Democrats are using every means possible to keep pushing the can down the road to buy time, but there is no time left to return integrity to America’s elections.
The SAVE America Act, which would have cleaned the rolls and secured the elections, passed the House and is dead in the Senate. House and Senate recesses used up the calendar. Trump then tried to do by executive order what the Senate refused to do by statute: requiring proof of citizenship, a reliable federal voter list, and limits on mailed ballots.
Election officials in fraud-prone areas, however, refuse to produce the ballots and the rolls. They call it privacy, and say doing so would expose illegal aliens to ICE! The real reason is to conceal their own conduct.
Activist federal district judges blocked those executive orders that would have counted this year.
With midterms rapidly approaching, Trump could declare a national emergency, as he has teased, on election integrity. If he does not, November runs on the same black-box machines with source code no outsider may examine, the same dirty rolls, and mass-mailed ballots that are an open invitation to fraud.
I have extensive education, training, and experience in law enforcement and criminal investigation, including conspiracy, fraud, forgery, identity theft, and related economic and computer crimes. I know how those crimes are committed.
As president of a large city police officers’ association and a statewide criminal investigators’ association, I worked with the California Legislature on matters of interest to those groups. After retiring, I spent ten years, including 2020, working on election nights at an Associated Press data center that collects returns from state and local counting centers.
Officials and the legacy press dismissed my work—and the work of other independent investigators—as conspiracy theory. The Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency’s claim that the 2020 election was “the most secure in American history” is still treated as fact. I worked that night. I had never seen swing-state feeds go down together and return with a 180-degree switch between winning and losing candidates. I disagree.
In my professional opinion, systemic election fraud is real. Isolated voter fraud—mailing a dead relative’s ballot—is statistical noise, so officials and the legacy press interchange the two, so the public never has to look at the system. Systemic election fraud is what can swing an outcome.
As I wrote in 2020 and 2026, I believe a massive, ongoing RICO conspiracy by the Deep State and others existed to unseat a duly elected president in his first term, and it succeeded in 2020. I have also argued that retaining political power and concealing theft of federal funds were part of that larger enterprise. Government auditors have put annual improper payments and fraud in a range that reaches the hundreds of billions of dollars. See my reporting at American Thinker.
The second is whether the country sits still while that investigation crawls. The calendar is fixed. The Senate will not pass SAVE. The courts blocked the executive orders that would have mattered in this election cycle. The states will not produce the lists and the ballots.
No court has ruled on the merits, renegade states say, so there is nothing wrong. But if nothing moves until there is a conviction, the republic waits for a verdict the other side can prevent by sitting on the evidence. That hands them another free shot at installing their people through an election that no one is allowed to check.
On the criminal track, I wrote in “Joe DiGenova Returns” that I believe RICO investigations are underway in the Southern District of Florida. Indictments before November are doubtful. DiGenova resigned this week. After a “no evidence” quote, he said it was taken out of context: the evidence is there; these cases take time.
The election-fraud case in Riverside County, California, is still frozen. A citizen audit found a hole in the county’s own paper. The sheriff seized more than 650,000 ballots under search warrants. The state attorney general ran to the California Supreme Court, which put the investigation on ice. Why?
In my opinion, there is strong probable cause that fraud occurred. The U.S. Department of Justice and the FBI can adopt the case and put a forensic audit team on the evidence already seized (18 U.S.C. §§ 241 and 242). Indictments before the midterms are possible. Trials are not.
That leaves the public-policy question: If criminal investigations cannot produce answers before November, can the executive branch lawfully act now?
A declaration of a national emergency:
The President is the only nationwide elected official. A corrupt election system is an existential threat to our constitutional republic. The Constitution, federal statutes, and case law allow him to make policy changes when an emergency disables ordinary political channels.* He does not need a district judge’s blessing to treat election integrity as a national-security issue.
The stall on the SAVE America Act was touted as saving “democracy.” It disenfranchises citizen voters. Support for SAVE is not close—polls put it in the seventies.
There is enough smoke: machines no outsider may test, rolls that are not a list of citizens, mass mailing, foreign collection of voter files, a mail-ballot scheme that never reached him in the daily briefs, and officials who will not open the vault.
This short video shows the machine problem in plain sight. The official total never has to match the real ballots. The scoreboard and the paper cannot be reconciled. Under this system, they never can be. That is the con.
A national emergency is not martial law. It is a finding under the National Emergencies Act that an unusual and extraordinary threat exists, which unlocks tools already used in Executive Order 13848 when foreign interference with election infrastructure was named a national-security threat.
On August 31, Trump continued EO 13848 for another year. The question is whether he attaches the midterm rules to it or only keeps the sanctions file open. The Act does not define “emergency.” The call is the President’s. It buys time until Congress writes a lasting fix.
Congress can terminate the emergency only by joint resolution, presentment, and, after a veto, two-thirds of both Houses (INS v. Chadha, 462 U.S. 919 (1983)). That is staying power against a thin majority. It is not a bar on a judge attacking a particular order.
Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer, 343 U.S. 579 (1952), and Article I, Section 4 still leave the times, places, and manner of congressional elections with the states and with Congress.
What must be in place before November to ensure a clean election: proof of citizenship to vote, rolls limited to eligible citizens, no mass mailing off a dirty list, early voting cut to a short window, hand-marked paper, no black-box machines, and no endless recount. Publish a count a citizen can check. Do not let the person who writes the company checks also reconcile the checkbook.
If a state cannot change in time, that is the state’s problem. killed the SAVE Act. They enjoined the orders. They kept the vault shut. They can ask Congress to move the date. The President’s job is to stop the casino and the theft, not to rescue the people who rigged the clock.
Of course, DNC attorney Marc Elias will file an injunction by breakfast and call it a coup. Let him. The house is on fire.
Ron Wright is a retired detective who served 35 years with Riverside P.D., Calif. Ron earned a B.A. in political science from Cal State University, Fullerton, and a Master of Administration from the University of California, Riverside. X @RonTcop
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