Europe Is Starting to Think Putin Will Expand the War Beyond Ukraine

Russia is stuck on the Ukrainian battlefield and lashing out with massive strikes on Kyiv. The growing fear in European capitals is that President Vladimir Putin will try next to reshuffle the cards by expanding the conflict to Europe.

In recent weeks, Russia has made increasingly bellicose statements against the Baltic states. It has threatened to bomb “decision-making centers” in Latvia after accusing the country of hosting Ukrainian drone operators, an allegation denied by the Latvian authorities. Air-raid alarms were sounded in Lithuania last week, forcing the government into a bunker, after suspected Russian drones approached its airspace from Belarus.

The Russian Ministry of Defense has also published the addresses of companies allegedly working on drone production with Ukraine in eight European nations, warning of “unpredictable consequences” and “sharp escalation” if military assistance to Kyiv doesn’t cease.

While fears that Russia could expand the conflict to Europe aren’t new, recent developments have made them more urgent. Several European national-security officials have warned that Russia could try to test the cohesion of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization by targeting one of the Baltic nations, Swedish and Danish islands in the Baltic Sea or alliance territory in the Arctic.

“The security environment in Europe has deteriorated during the last 24 months, and we see a greater inclination from the Russian side to take greater operational risks in their hybrid operations, moving up also to kinetic elements,” Sweden’s Defense Minister Pål Jonson said in an interview. “We are cognizant that we need to be focused on strengthening our ability to deter and defend against the Russians.”

The Wall Street Journal

Cognizant eyes up to 15,000 layoffs, India set to bear the brunt

Cognizant could be heading toward one of the biggest tech layoffs of the year, following cuts at companies like Amazon and Oracle. Reports suggest the IT services firm may reduce between 12,000 and 15,000 jobs globally, although the company has not confirmed a final number.

From a US perspective, the move reflects a wider shift in how large tech and consulting companies are restructuring their workforce as clients rethink spending. While Cognizant is headquartered in the United States, most of its employees are based in India, where over 250,000 people make up the company’s largest workforce hub out of a global total of more than 357,000.

The expected layoffs are tied closely to the company’s financial planning. In its April 29 earnings update, Cognizant said it expects to spend between $230 million and $320 million on severance. That figure has led analysts to estimate the potential scale of job cuts, based on typical compensation packages offered to employees who are laid off.

Much of the impact is likely to be felt in India, where salary levels are lower compared to the US. Industry estimates suggest that severance payouts there could cover several months of pay per employee, allowing the company to stretch its budget across a large number of roles.

The restructuring is part of a broader shift in the tech services model. Industry executives say clients are moving away from the traditional pyramid structure that relies heavily on entry-level hiring. Companies are now less willing to pay for training large groups of fresh graduates, instead prioritizing more experienced talent and automation.

Cognizant CEO Ravi Kumar S has also signaled that changes are coming across the organization. Speaking during the earnings call, he pointed to a move toward a “broader and shorter pyramid,” combining digital tools with human workers. The approach reflects how AI and automation are beginning to reshape hiring strategies across the global tech industry.

While the final numbers are still unclear, the direction is consistent with what’s happening across US tech. Companies are tightening costs, investing in AI, and reshaping teams, even if that means significant job cuts in the near term.

The American Bazaar

Commies on the Coast

Hardly anybody is still alive today who has personal memories of the Hollywood Blacklist of the immediate post-World War II period, let alone of the rabid Communist agitation that took place in the film colony before and during the war. But all of us have lived through an era, now decades long, during which the Blacklist has been repeatedly condemned and its so-called victims celebrated. As Lloyd Billingsley writes in his richly informative new book, Hollywood Party: Stalinist Adventures in the American Movie Industry, it took scarcely any time at all after the Blacklist collapsed in 1960 for a new narrative to shape itself: omitting from the story the subversive deeds of the Communist Party, the Hollywood establishment – along with the news media, the publishing industry, and academia – recast the Blacklist as the work of evil “inquisitors” who persecuted “noble idealists.” This tale was told in any number of books with titles like Hollywood on Trial, Inquisition in Eden, and A Journal of the Plague Years.

But even more effective were the movies. The Front (1976) starred Woody Allen as a restaurant cashier who agrees to put his name on scripts by several blacklisted TV and movie writers. Significantly, as Billingsley puts it, The Front “joins the action in the early 1950s, long after the major events had passed”; in other words, we don’t see the Communist writers at Party meetings, taking orders from the Kremlin; we don’t see them cheering Moscow-choreographed violence intended to cow the studio heads; and we don’t see them plotting ruthlessly, in those wartime and prewar years, to destroy the careers of their non-Communist colleagues.

No, The Front depicts these traitors only as victims. In its closing credits, we’re not only told that it was written by Walter Bernstein, directed by Martin Ritt, and starred (among others) Zero Mostel, Herschel Bernardi, and Lloyd Gough, but also that they all were blacklisted. I was 19 when The Front came out, but already knew better than to idolize Communists; yet when I saw the movie in a Manhattan theater, the people around me lustily applauded – some of them leaping to their feet – throughout the closing credits.

During the half-century since The Front, Hollywood has memorialized the Blacklist in any number of movies and TV dramas. The slant is always the same. So are the deliberate omissions. In Hollywood Party, Billingsley tells the full story, which involves charting the ups and downs of an alphabet soup of Soviet front groups and telling innumerable anecdotes in which patriots like Ronald Reagan and Olivia de Havilland take on Stalinists like Will Geer (later the beloved Grandpa Walton on The Waltons) and Lionel Stander (“the Party’s ‘model actor,’” later the gravel-voiced chauffeur on Hart to Hart). To try to recount all the specifics in the space of a review would be impossible; better to focus on a representative sampling of the very many fascinating stories, details, and quotations that Billingsley serves up.

For instance, Billingsley writes that while the Communist community in Hollywood shrank to almost nothing after the newly installed Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev publicly revealed the extent of Stalin’s villainy, a few true believers remained. Writers Lillian Hellman (The Little Foxes) and Bertolt Brecht (Hangmen Also Die!) and singer Paul Robeson (Show Boat) “shrugged off the Khrushchev revelations,” reports Billingsley, while novelist Howard Fast’s resignation from the Party left Dalton Trumbo (who had adapted Fast’s Spartacus for the big screen) “deeply annoyed.” Ella Winter, wife of Communist screenwriter Donald Ogden Stewart, shifted her loyalty from Stalin to Mao Tse-Tung.

And Hellman’s fealty to Moscow outlasted pretty much everybody else’s: “In 1969, after the Soviets crushed the Prague Spring, Hellman attacked novelist Anatoli Kuznetzov for fleeing the USSR and seeking asylum in England.” When Kuznetzov tried to explain to Hellman that her beloved Kremlin had murdered tens of millions, put innocents on trial, and committed opponents to mental institutions, Hellman apparently chose not to reply. And pretty much nobody minded her stalwart Stalinism: until her death in 1984, she was treated almost universally as a free-speech icon.

After the Blacklist was over, in fact, the politically sane denizens of the Dream Factory were quick to forgive the machinations of the diehard Communists among them and even to help put their careers back together. Actor Jeff Corey, for example, later remembered the kindness of John Wayne and Pat Boone, both famous conservatives. By contrast, the distinguished director Elia Kazan (Gentleman’s Agreement, A Streetcar Named Desire, East of Eden, Splendor in the Grass, On the Waterfront), was treated in Tinseltown like the worst kind of criminal because he’d committed what the film community came to regard as the ultimate offense, “naming names”: in other words, having flirted with Communism and recognized its utter depravity, he decided to tell the House Un-American Activities Committee which film-industry machers had been secret servants of Stalin. Living until 2003, Kazan was denied one major lifetime-achievement award after another: when he was short-listed for recognition by the American Film Institute, producer Gail Ann Hurd exclaimed: “we can’t give this award to a man who named names!” Finally, in 1999, in response to an appeal by Karl Malden, whom Kazan had cast in On the Waterfront, the Motion Picture Academy agreed to pay tribute to him – a decision that enraged many of Hollywood’s veteran Reds.

As Charlton Heston commented, “It was a return to Stalinism.” And Kazan is far from the only heretic who has been punished in this post-Blacklist era. Indeed, while the original Blacklist lasted barely a decade, the period since it ended has gone on for more than half-century, and has been a time during which, as Billingsley reminds us, Hollywood has released scores of movies about the Nazis but hardly any about “Stalin’s forced famine in Ukraine, the Moscow trials, the Nazi-Soviet Pact,” or for that matter about any aspect of Soviet Communism. It is telling that the very best movie yet made about life behind the Iron Curtain, The Lives of Others (2006), is from Germany. After 9/11, I might add, virtually all the Hollywood films about Afghanistan and Iraq were anti-American.

Yes, Billingsley credits Spielberg’s Bridge of Spies (2015) for showing “footage of the Berlin Wall under construction and border guards gunning down those fleeing to freedom”; he also praises other movies, including The Secret Ways (1961), The Unbearable Lightness of Being (1988), and American Rhapsody (2001), for including brief glimpses of life under Communism. But nothing on his list remotely compares to The Lives of Others. He points out that while a sympathetic film biography of Reagan (which, though excellent, was critically savaged) didn’t come along until 2024, Trumbo (2015) lauded the devout, richly rewarded Stalinist – who survived the Blacklist very comfortably, thanks to fronts like the one played by Woody Allen – as a free-speech martyr. It’s all lies, lies, lies, and Billingsley exposes them valiantly one by one. But don’t expect this terrific, truth-telling tome to be made into a major-studio movie anytime soon.

Front Page Magazine

Democrat Pastors: Infiltrating Republican Pews For The 2026 Midterms

A strategy aimed straight at the heart of Republican strength: the religious and moral voter.

The numbers don’t lie. Democrats are staring down the barrel of another midterm cycle where their secular base simply isn’t big enough to win in the places that matter. So they’ve decided to stop pretending and start poaching. Not with policy changes or soul-searching. With collars. With Bibles. With men and women who once stood in pulpits now running for Congress and statewide office as proud Democrats.

Progressive faith networks like Vote Common Good are tracking roughly 30 white Christian clergy (mostly from mainline Protestant denominations) seeking Democrat nominations this cycle. That’s no coincidence. It’s a deliberate surge aimed straight at the heart of Republican strength: the religious voter. White evangelicals, practicing Protestants, and traditional Catholics have anchored the GOP for generations. Democrats know it. They’ve studied the polls. And instead of reforming their agenda on life, family, and religious liberty, they’re trying to rent the pews.

Look at the map. In Iowa’s 2nd Congressional District, a Trump stronghold, Presbyterian pastor Lindsay James is on the ballot. Former United Methodist minister Clint Twedt-Ball is right there with her. Over in the 3rd District, ordained Lutheran minister and state Senator Sarah Trone Garriott is pushing the same line. Three pastors in one battleground state, all Democrats, all framing bigger government, open borders, and progressive priorities as pure Gospel.

Up in Alaska’s at-large House seat, Presbyterian pastor Matt Schultz campaigns on feeding the hungry and standing up to “bullies” ‒– code, of course, for anyone who dares defend biological sex or parental rights in schools. In Kansas, the senior pastor of the largest United Methodist Church in the country, Adam Hamilton, with his 24,000-member congregation, is running for Senate as an “independent-minded Democrat.” These aren’t outliers. They’re the vanguard of a strategy that treats faith communities like enemy territory to be infiltrated

Up in Alaska’s at-large House seat, Presbyterian pastor Matt Schultz campaigns on feeding the hungry and standing up to “bullies” ‒– code, of course, for anyone who dares defend biological sex or parental rights in schools. In Kansas, the senior pastor of the largest United Methodist Church in the country, Adam Hamilton, with his 24,000-member congregation, is running for Senate as an “independent-minded Democrat.” These aren’t outliers. They’re the vanguard of a strategy that treats faith communities like enemy territory to be infiltrated rather than ignored.

This is wedge politics at its most cynical. Democrats aren’t trying to win over the core of the religious vote by changing their platform. They’re trying to peel off the margins (suburban moderates, younger mainline believers, anyone who might be tired of the culture war headlines) by offering a permission structure wrapped in Scripture. Quote Matthew 25 about the “least of these,” talk endlessly about poverty programs and immigration compassion, and quietly glide past the party’s ironclad commitment to abortion on demand, boys in girls’ locker rooms, and federal pressure on churches and schools.

The infrastructure is already built. Groups like Vote Common Good and the Interfaith Alliance provide the training, the playbooks, and the turnout machinery. They coach these candidates to counter the “Christian nationalism” narrative the left loves to hype. The message is simple: You can vote your faith and vote blue. Just don’t look too closely at the rest of the Democrat agenda.

Here’s the problem for them: real faith voters see the disconnect. White Protestants still lean Republican by nearly 60-40. Traditional Catholics hold a similar edge. The religiously unaffiliated crowd that forms the Democrats’ reliable core simply doesn’t deliver majorities in the districts that decide the House and key Senate seats. That’s why this clergy surge exists. It’s an admission that the old secular playbook is failing in flyover country.

the Presbyterian seminarian running for Texas Senate, is the poster child for the strategy. He brandishes his faith credentials while twisting Scripture to bless every left-wing priority from “reproductive justice” to expansive welfare. His record shows exactly where the priorities lie: rainbow flags at church events, sanctuary policies for illegal immigrants, and silence on the biblical view of life and marriage. Mainline denominations that have already drifted far from historic Christian orthodoxy on these issues are now the perfect recruiting ground for Democratic campaigns.

But evangelicals and traditional Catholics ‒– the backbone of the religious electorate ‒– aren’t buying the act. They remember who stood firm when the culture demanded surrender on the unborn, on boys competing against girls, on parents’ rights to raise their kids without government indoctrination. They know selective Bible quoting doesn’t erase a party platform that treats religious liberty as a loophole and the nuclear family as outdated.

Republicans shouldn’t overreact. Panic plays into the hands of the strategists behind this move. Instead, expose it for what it is: a façade. Double down on the substantive defense of life, conscience protections, parental authority, and limited government ‒– the very principles that align with the historic American understanding of faith and freedom. The faithful aren’t looking for politicians who sound pious on the stump. They’re looking for leaders who actually deliver results that protect their churches, their families, and their communities.

This isn’t the first time the left has tried to co-opt religious language. Progressive “social gospel” efforts have been around for decades, and they’ve consistently failed to move the needle among the devout. Raphael Warnock’s success in Georgia is the exception that proves the rule ‒ it relied on heavy black church turnout in a state trending left, not a broad conversion of white evangelicals or traditional Catholics.

The 2026 midterms will be the test. Will a handful of these pastor candidates flip a few suburban seats by confusing just enough voters? Maybe in isolated spots. But the broader religious electorate remains solidly grounded in the values that built this republic. Life. Liberty. Family. Limited government. The God who doesn’t change with polling data or party platforms.

Democrats can field all the clerical collars they want. They can quote the verses they like and ignore the ones they don’t. The American people of faith have seen this movie before. They know the difference between authentic conviction and a calculated costume change. The pews aren’t for rent. And the wolves wearing collars are going to find out exactly how many believers are still paying attention.

Mike Robertson is a contributor to American Thinker. Follow him on X at @Mike_for_MAGA and Reddit.

The Democrat Autopsy Disappointed Everyone

There’s an ancient, almost surely apocryphal story about a dog food company executive convening a big sales meeting. A very short version has the exec running through all of the company’s advantages: the best sales team, the best advertising, the best packaging, etc. He then irately asks, “So why aren’t we selling more dog food?”

After a long silence, a small voice from the back ventures a guess: “Maybe the dogs don’t like it.”

The story is a cliché, but a useful one in business and politics. For instance, the prelaunch internal name for Netflix was “Kibble,” a reminder that the customer actually had to like the product itself.

The Democratic Party would be well-advised to launch its own Operation Kibble.

There were hopes — and fears — that the recently released Democratic “autopsy” of their 2024 election defeat would be the beginning of just such an effort. Every Democratic faction wanted a report that either ratified their ideological commitments or proved that the party brass was hostile toward them.

Everyone was disappointed. The autopsy wasn’t a complete mess. It was an incomplete mess, with countless blank sections including a missing conclusion. Also, absent: any mention of President Biden’s age, Kamala Harris’ myriad shortcomings or such relevant issues as inflation, immigration, Israel or politically toxic culture war issues.

There were some defensible points scattered across the report’s nearly 200 pages; the party doesn’t try to win rural voters, it relies too much on identity politics, etc.

Still, critics across the ideological spectrum have closed the partisan divide to tear it apart like so many polar bears agreeably sharing a whale carcass. With so much to feed on, why squabble?

But there’s one criticism I haven’t seen that gets to the heart of the Democrats’ kibble problem. Simply put, the ideological activist base can’t accept that the dogs don’t actually like what they’re being served. This denial has a long history.

From the 1930s until the mid-1980s, Democrats significantly outnumbered Republicans, sometimes by more than two to one. And long after that, Democrats still usually had the edge. Republican presidents — Eisenhower, Nixon, Reagan, even the Bushes — earned victories by winning over some Democrats, and starting in the 1990s, Democrat-friendly independents. But Democrats clung to the idea that Democrats alone were the path to victory.

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Jonah Goldberg

The Democratic Party ‘autopsy’ somehow disappointed everyone

Hakeem Jeffries points and talks to another man.

House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.), left, speaks with Pastor Joseph Carlos Robinson outside the Resurrection Church L.A.

(Ethan Swope / For The Times)

By Jonah GoldbergColumnist 

May 26, 2026 4:04 PM PT

  • 5
  • 5 minClick here to listen to this article

There’s an ancient, almost surely apocryphal story about a dog food company executive convening a big sales meeting. A very short version has the exec running through all of the company’s advantages: the best sales team, the best advertising, the best packaging, etc. He then irately asks, “So why aren’t we selling more dog food?”

After a long silence, a small voice from the back ventures a guess: “Maybe the dogs don’t like it.”

Advertisement

The story is a cliché, but a useful one in business and politics. For instance, the prelaunch internal name for Netflix was “Kibble,” a reminder that the customer actually had to like the product itself.

The Democratic Party would be well-advised to launch its own Operation Kibble.

There were hopes — and fears — that the recently released Democratic “autopsy” of their 2024 election defeat would be the beginning of just such an effort. Every Democratic faction wanted a report that either ratified their ideological commitments or proved that the party brass was hostile toward them.

Everyone was disappointed. The autopsy wasn’t a complete mess. It was an incomplete mess, with countless blank sections including a missing conclusion. Also, absent: any mention of President Biden’s age, Kamala Harris’ myriad shortcomings or such relevant issues as inflation, immigration, Israel or politically toxic culture war issues.

Advertisement

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There were some defensible points scattered across the report’s nearly 200 pages; the party doesn’t try to win rural voters, it relies too much on identity politics, etc.

Still, critics across the ideological spectrum have closed the partisan divide to tear it apart like so many polar bears agreeably sharing a whale carcass. With so much to feed on, why squabble?

But there’s one criticism I haven’t seen that gets to the heart of the Democrats’ kibble problem. Simply put, the ideological activist base can’t accept that the dogs don’t actually like what they’re being served. This denial has a long history.

From the 1930s until the mid-1980s, Democrats significantly outnumbered Republicans, sometimes by more than two to one. And long after that, Democrats still usually had the edge. Republican presidents — Eisenhower, Nixon, Reagan, even the Bushes — earned victories by winning over some Democrats, and starting in the 1990s, Democrat-friendly independents. But Democrats clung to the idea that Democrats alone were the path to victory.

Bill Clinton recognized this era was ending, and instead crafted an appeal to the moderate and conservative voters the Democratic Party had been hemorrhaging. His presidency is not remembered fondly by today’s ardent progressives.

Electoral math is only part of the story. Ever since FDR’s administration, both parties have organized around an enduring myth of American politics: If everyone voted, Democrats would win. This idea more than any other explains why Republicans favor tighter controls around voting and Democrats want looser ones.

This idea rests on a lot of different assumptions. First, it seemed plausible back in the days when Democrats outnumbered Republicans. There’s also a kind of Marx-ish assumption that non-voters are a reserve army of the dispossessed, the marginal, the oppressed. As President Obama once put it when making the case for mandatory voting, “The people who tend not to vote are young; they’re lower income; they’re skewed more heavily towards immigrant groups and minority groups.”

Another related assumption by Democrats: We’re obviously right, so we just have to do better at getting our message out. Inversely, the Republicans are obviously wrong, so they must have exploited an unfair advantage to win, in terms of money, media and mobilization.

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Voices

Jonah Goldberg

The Democratic Party ‘autopsy’ somehow disappointed everyone

Hakeem Jeffries points and talks to another man.

House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.), left, speaks with Pastor Joseph Carlos Robinson outside the Resurrection Church L.A.

(Ethan Swope / For The Times)

By Jonah GoldbergColumnist 

May 26, 2026 4:04 PM PT

  • 5
  • 5 minClick here to listen to this article

There’s an ancient, almost surely apocryphal story about a dog food company executive convening a big sales meeting. A very short version has the exec running through all of the company’s advantages: the best sales team, the best advertising, the best packaging, etc. He then irately asks, “So why aren’t we selling more dog food?”

After a long silence, a small voice from the back ventures a guess: “Maybe the dogs don’t like it.”

Advertisement

The story is a cliché, but a useful one in business and politics. For instance, the prelaunch internal name for Netflix was “Kibble,” a reminder that the customer actually had to like the product itself.

The Democratic Party would be well-advised to launch its own Operation Kibble.

There were hopes — and fears — that the recently released Democratic “autopsy” of their 2024 election defeat would be the beginning of just such an effort. Every Democratic faction wanted a report that either ratified their ideological commitments or proved that the party brass was hostile toward them.

Everyone was disappointed. The autopsy wasn’t a complete mess. It was an incomplete mess, with countless blank sections including a missing conclusion. Also, absent: any mention of President Biden’s age, Kamala Harris’ myriad shortcomings or such relevant issues as inflation, immigration, Israel or politically toxic culture war issues.

There were some defensible points scattered across the report’s nearly 200 pages; the party doesn’t try to win rural voters, it relies too much on identity politics, etc.

Still, critics across the ideological spectrum have closed the partisan divide to tear it apart like so many polar bears agreeably sharing a whale carcass. With so much to feed on, why squabble?

But there’s one criticism I haven’t seen that gets to the heart of the Democrats’ kibble problem. Simply put, the ideological activist base can’t accept that the dogs don’t actually like what they’re being served. This denial has a long history.

From the 1930s until the mid-1980s, Democrats significantly outnumbered Republicans, sometimes by more than two to one. And long after that, Democrats still usually had the edge. Republican presidents — Eisenhower, Nixon, Reagan, even the Bushes — earned victories by winning over some Democrats, and starting in the 1990s, Democrat-friendly independents. But Democrats clung to the idea that Democrats alone were the path to victory.

Advertisement

Bill Clinton recognized this era was ending, and instead crafted an appeal to the moderate and conservative voters the Democratic Party had been hemorrhaging. His presidency is not remembered fondly by today’s ardent progressives.

Electoral math is only part of the story. Ever since FDR’s administration, both parties have organized around an enduring myth of American politics: If everyone voted, Democrats would win. This idea more than any other explains why Republicans favor tighter controls around voting and Democrats want looser ones.

This idea rests on a lot of different assumptions. First, it seemed plausible back in the days when Democrats outnumbered Republicans. There’s also a kind of Marx-ish assumption that non-voters are a reserve army of the dispossessed, the marginal, the oppressed. As President Obama once put it when making the case for mandatory voting, “The people who tend not to vote are young; they’re lower income; they’re skewed more heavily towards immigrant groups and minority groups.”

Another related assumption by Democrats: We’re obviously right, so we just have to do better at getting our message out. Inversely, the Republicans are obviously wrong, so they must have exploited an unfair advantage to win, in terms of money, media and mobilization.

When right-wing talk radio seemed to help the GOP, the left concluded all they needed was their own talk radio, and Air America was born. When Fox News seemed to fuel GOP success, Current TV was launched, and MSNBC was revamped as left-wing Fox News. Several progressive think tanks were born out of envy for conservative think tanks.

Add in the complementary myth that the candidate with the most money wins, and you can start to appreciate the “cope” of the Democratic worldview.

The recent quest to stand up left-wing “podcast bros” — despite the fact that many such bros had been left-wing until recently (remember, Joe Rogan endorsed Bernie Sanders in 2020) — is another of numerous examples.

The autopsy offers more of the same, arguing that Democrats need to copy the “always on” media and activist infrastructure of the right — the Koch networks, Turning Point USA, etc. “Democrats and allies must consider how to match and exceed these investments.”

The screen between us: Smartphones and the global fertility crash

by Elias Aboujaoude, opinion contributor – 03/30/26 10:00 AM ET

Birthrates are collapsing across the developed world, and the numbers are stark enough to unsettle most demographers. Nearly three‑quarters of humanity already live in countries with fertility at sub-replacement levels, according to the United Nations. A 2024 Lancet forecast goes further: 97 percent of countries are projected to fall below replacement fertility by 2100, a demographic inversion without historical precedent. 

These declines imply shrinking workforces, depleted pension funds, increasingly isolated older adults and a worsening of the politics around immigration, often seen as the only realistic remedy in Western societies. Familiar forces have been blamed — delayed parenthood, wider access to contraception, the rising cost of childrearing and existential angst that spans climate change, war resurgence, and how AI will transform the future. 

But something more intimate is also contributing, rooted less in macroeconomics and anxiety than how digital life is rechanneling libido. Its consequences may be civilizational.

The smartphone is now the closest relationship many people have. It is the last thing they touch before falling asleep and the first thing they reach for upon waking up. According to a survey by the American Academy of Sleep Medicine, 87 percent of Americans regularly sleep with their smartphones in the bedroom. 

The device has colonized that most personal of spaces, turning the bed into a workstation and turning notifications, likes, shares and algorithmically curated content into a preferred source of dopamine hits. As a result, many couples spend their time side by side in distinct digital bubbles. More than distraction, this is a kind of fetishistic displacement that redirects desire. As the device becomes the primary source of stimulation, the partner is “phubbed” (for phone snubbed), with reproductive sequelae. 

Pope Warns against AI exploitation, compares tech to Tower of Babel | RISING

The smartphone is the portal to many potentially problematic behaviors, from social media overuse to those related to gaming, shopping, gambling and pornography. Among them, the latter is particularly relevant here. Data suggest pervasive use: In one survey of adults under 40, 16 percent of men reported viewing pornography at least once daily. But what they are consuming is not simply sexual content. It is a hyper‑stimulating simulation thereof, designed to maximize arousal through exaggeration and novelty. 

Real intimacy — negotiation, vulnerability, emotional and physical effort — cannot compete with the frictionless gratification of unrealistic content. In a study that analyzed 3,419 men aged 18 to 35, 21 percent had some level of erectile dysfunction during partnered sex, and higher pornography consumption was significantly correlated with erectile dysfunction, even after adjusting for confounders.

The proposed mechanism seems straight-forward: As the brain becomes accustomed to a certain intensity of stimulus, expectations are distorted, and bodies and practices that are not representative of typical human anatomy or sexuality become normative. The result is a growing cohort of individuals who prefer virtual arousal to actual intimacy because the digital alternative is easier, more reliably available and more exciting.

One might expect online dating platforms to counteract these trends. By dramatically extending the pool of eligible people one can connect with, dating apps should make it easier than ever to find partners. But research suggests otherwise. 

Our study of Tinder, the world’s most popular dating app, suggests that about half of users are not seeking offline dates at all. Our interpretation is that many use the app for validation, ego boosts and distraction — in other words, like any social media platform and not as a pathway to real relationships, let alone family formation. This experience has become so demoralizing that serious users are abandoning these platforms in droves; up to 1 million Gen Zers deleted their dating apps in 2024 alone.

The rise of AI companions may exacerbate the problem. Platforms such as Replika and Character.ai allow users to form emotionally rich, non-demanding relationships with artificial partners. These systems are designed to be “perfect” — micro-tuned to meet one’s every last taste, and they are never disappointing. They are also always available and happy to recede when not needed. It is intimacy without expectation and companionship without conflict or commitment. 

2023, 40 percent of Replika users were engaging in romantic partnerships with their bots. Do human partners stand a chance? Perhaps not, if you consider the story of the man who “married” his AI chatbot. Should these relationships become more normalized, they may represent the final decoupling of companionship from anchored biological reality.

A digital revolution that has virtualized life may end up doing away with it. The decline in birthrates is not merely a policy problem; it is a symptom of a digital culture that successfully competes with human connection. By displacing partners, rechanneling desire and offering the illusion of perfected, commitment-free companionship, we are eroding the foundations of partnership and child-rearing. 

The “fertility crash” can be seen as the demographic bill coming due for a decades-long shift toward digital individualism. Proposed solutions such as mandating parental leave or tax credits will not be sufficient if the fundamental need for human intimacy continues to be outsourced to the screen. To address the crisis, we must also recognize that an insidious competitor to the next generation may be the glowing rectangle in our hands.

Elias Aboujaoude is a clinical professor, technology researcher and writer at Stanford University’s Department of Psychiatry, where he is chief of the Anxiety Disorders Section. He is also the director of the Program in Internet, Health and Society at Cedars-Sinai Medical Center.

AI Startup Says It Will Pay People $2,000 a Month to Masturbate—Yes, Really

Joi AI says it will pay people $2,000 a month to masturbate. Yes, you read that right.

The AI companion startup is hiring 10 “masturbation consultants” to test a feature called Daily Guided Masturbation, which uses mood-matched AI voice sessions to guide users through the experience. Participants would document how regular use affects stress, sleep quality, mood, and confidence. The four-week role is open to adults 18 and older in the U.S. and the U.K.

“The role is real, and we’ve had great responses since the posting went live,” Joi AI Head of Brand and Communication Julie Levin told Decrypt.

The listing describes ideal candidates as “articulate, observant, and impossible to blush”—people who can describe sensations “better than a sommelier describes a wine.” The posting also promises flexible scheduling, and “the most interesting ‘What do you do for a living?’ answer at any party.”

Joi AI is an online platform that includes AI-generated avatars, voice interactions, and personalized chat experiences built around companionship and intimacy. Joi AI describes the new consultant role as structured product testing tied directly to its new feature.

“The role involves testing and giving feedback on the mood-matched AI voice-guided sessions, and providing feedback on the overall user experience,” Levin told Decrypt.

The hiring push also comes as studies suggest AI companion use is becoming more common among people already in relationships, often without their partner’s knowledge.

A new report from the Wheatley Institute at Brigham Young University and the Institute for Family Studies found that among dating, engaged, and married young adults who regularly used AI romantic companions, nearly 3 in 10 said their real-life partner did not know about it.

Spare Us the Selective Outrage

Israel is condemned for surviving a massacre while regimes guilty of actual ethnic cleansing and mass slaughter escape outrage and scrutiny.

By Victor Davis Hanson

Since October 7, we have been lectured nonstop about the supposedly singular sins of Israel.

The campuses, the left-wing media, and the new Democratic Socialist officials, both federal and state, following the cue of student activists and professors from the Middle East, have painted Israel and their Jewish supporters as Nazis, fascists, and among the worst murderers in today’s bloody world.

This is nonsensical. The medieval-style massacre of 1,200 Jews in their homes on October 7, during a time of peace, should have increased awareness of the existential dangers Israel faced. Instead, it spawned a gathering storm of antisemitism.

What Was Israel Supposed to Do?

Note that leftists and pro-Hamas students and faculty were shouting the eliminationist slogan “From the river to the sea, Palestine will be free” in euphoria almost immediately in response to the news of the slaughter. Hundreds of dead Jews set off a Pavlovian spasm of glee from the Middle East to American campuses.

Indeed, during the three-week hiatus following the mass killings—well before the IDF entered Gaza on October 27—Israel and its supporters were damned in ways we have not seen for years. Even as Israel sought to negotiate a release of the 251 hostages and a surrender of all those in Hamas responsible for the massacres, the international furor at Israel only mounted. Or was it instead an ebullition of anticipation that still more slaughter of Israelis would follow?

Yet Israel’s demands were met with more defiance. Hamas, and its delusional supporters, both in the Middle East and in the West, saw October 7 not as the end of bloodletting but as the beginning of far more slaughter—and of the hoped-for end of Israel altogether.

Again, that dream explains the giddiness among the Democrat Socialist/pro-Hamas leftists. In their unhinged hatred, they assumed that Iran’s vaunted “ring of fire” (the terrorists of Hamas, Hezbollah, and the Houthis and scattered contingents in Syria and Iraq) would now ignite Israel from all sides.

The master planner of the attacks, Iran, had concluded that Israel would eventually be overwhelmed by hundreds of thousands of incoming drones, missiles, and rockets—the very reason why Iran had spent years arming its Arab terrorist clients.

Yet when Israel finally invaded Gaza on October 27, it was almost immediately damned for conducting “genocide.” None of its libelers offered alternate pathways for how Israel might stop the Hamas slaughterers or get the hostages back.

So how exactly was Israel supposed to restore deterrence, punish the guilty, and prevent such future mass butchery?

Go to the UN Security Council and beg China (one million Uighurs in Chinese camps) and Russia (engaged in a Verdun-like invasion of Ukraine) to examine the facts empirically.

Ask Hamas to shed their civilian shields and fight Israelis head-to-head?

Fly to Geneva to have European premiers and presidents like Pedro Sánchez, Emmanuel Macron, and Keir Starmer oversee “negotiations”?

What Would America Have Done?

Alternatively, consider this hypothetical: the United States is roughly 34 times larger than Israel, with roughly 340 million to Israel’s 10 million citizens. Apply that asymmetrical magnitude to a thought experiment about how Americans would react to a proportional slaughter of their own.

Suppose that some 200,000 Sinaloa cartel killers (34 times the size of Hamas’s 6,000) swarmed across the southern border. They then began massacring 40,000 American civilians (34 times the Israeli number of 1,200 dead)—as well as torturing, dismembering, raping, and beheading. And then they were followed by thousands of tag-along civilians eager for loot and torture themselves.

Further imagine that the killers returned south across the border with 8,500 American hostages (34 times the 251 Israeli hostages). Once there, they then descended into a vast multibillion-dollar labyrinth of cartel tunnels beneath the cities of Sinaloa, protected by supportive and sympathetic citizens. Their tunnel entries and exits would be built beneath hospitals, schools, and churches.

So what exactly would the U.S. do if neither the Mexican government nor the cartel planners agreed to hand over the hostages and surrender the killers?

Take our case to the UN?

Ask NATO member Spain to chair talks?

Go to Geneva to negotiate with El Chapo and his henchmen?

Further, imagine that after three weeks of American inaction, the cartels grew even more defiant, as their crimes won applause among the anti-Western media and throughout the hemisphere.

Indeed, the intelligentsia and the hate-Yanqui crowd would likely then claim that Americans, as “settler-colonialists” from Europe, had earned such an overdue slaughter slap, given their supposed historical maltreatment of the indigenous peoples of “Aztlan” on both sides of the border.

Knee-jerk joy at killing Americans is not just a Mexican hypothetical.

In 2024, former Mexican president Andrés Manuel López Obrador bragged that Pancho Villa’s brief invasion of the U.S., some 108 years earlier—which targeted Columbus, New Mexico, and killed 18 Americans, including 10 civilians—was “a symbol of resistance against imperialism—and we should thank Villa . . .”

(Note that the progressive President Wilson, in response, sent 100,000 soldiers to the border and not long after ordered General Pershing with 12,000 troops to invade Mexico and find the perpetrators.)

Of course, in such an imaginary scenario, America’s critics would add the usual boilerplate about the Mexican War and the theft of Mexico’s former North American holdings.

Nonetheless, the U.S. would no doubt issue ultimata to the terrorists to surrender the guilty and the hostages. And if stonewalled, it would then start with an air campaign to hit some 200,000 cartel members, while exercising caution not to harm tens of thousands of the cartels’ civilian shields—a near-impossible task.

Who Are the Real Ethnic Cleansers and Settler-Colonialists?

Moreover, do we ever hear to what degree these libels of genocide and ethnic cleansing apply far more accurately to a host of other nations, some of which are also recipients of U.S. aid?

Over the decades, we have sold arms and given billions of dollars in military aid to Turkey. Yet between 1915 and 1920, the Turkish government conducted a genocidal policy of ethnic cleansing against their Armenian population, for which it has never apologized and which it continues to deny. And that was not just ancient history.

None of our current critics of Israel seems worried that Turkey invaded Cyprus in 1974 and ethnically cleansed Northern Cyprus of its Greek inhabitants. The Turks then sent thousands of their own “settler colonialists” to help the Turkish minority population occupy the north to this day and alter Cypriot demography. There are no demonstrations anywhere in America on behalf of the far more recent “Nakba” of the Cypriot Greeks.

For that matter, did any of the loud campus Left demand distance from American ally Turkey when its president, Recep Erdoğan, recently cheered on Azerbaijan’s 2023 ethnic cleansing of some 120,000 Armenians from Nagorno-Karabakh—oddly, at almost the same time as the October 7 massacre.

Did Columbia University activist Mahmoud Khalil rally his armies of idealists to damn the Islamic-driven ethnic cleansing of this ancient population of Christian Armenians, or to call for the U.S. to sever joint arms deals with Turkey?

Before the 1967 war, there were nearly one million Jews whose ancestors had been living for centuries in the Arab and Muslim Middle East.

But during the serial Arab–Israeli wars of the last century, they were almost entirely ethnically cleansed from Arab countries. Today, almost none remain in the Arab Middle East. None appear today before television cameras, shaking the keys of their confiscated homes in Algiers, Amman, Baghdad, or Cairo.

By contrast, when Israel was founded in 1948, some 800,000 Arabs lived within its borders. That number shrank to 150,000 during the violent wars that immediately followed. Yet today, the size of the Arab population has rebounded to 14 times its original post-1948 numbers, to include roughly 2.1 million Arab citizens of Israel.

Note that the current Arab population of Israel is close to 77 times larger than the remnant of 27,000 Jews who remain in Muslim-majority Middle Eastern nations.

So, who are the real ethnic cleansers, and who are the displaced persons and refugees?

Of course, no one dares to say Arabs “ethnically cleansed” almost all their Jewish citizens. Instead, that charge is reserved only for Israel, where its Arab population has swelled to 21 percent of the current Israeli total.

Who Shall Cast the First Stone?

Between 1987 and 1989, the Somali Marxist dictator Mohamed Siad Barre—a member of the powerful Darood clan and a former American ally during the Cold War, when the Soviets backed Somalia’s traditional rival, Marxist Ethiopia—began slaughtering entire rival Somali clans. The eventual death toll may have reached nearly 200,000. When Barre’s murderous regime finally imploded, many Somali refugees had either supported Barre or belonged to the Darood clan and its several affiliate tribes. Fearing retribution from the regime’s victims, thousands fled to the once-despised West, especially the United States and Europe.

Among those pro-Barre refugees—many of whom belonged to either Barre’s Darood clan or to subordinate clans—were apparently members of Representative Ilhan Omar’s family. Her father was a colonel and regimental commander in Barre’s army, which had fought both Ethiopians and fellow Somalis for over a decade. It is a bitter irony that Omar is now such a sharp critic of Israel and the United States, given that America granted refuge to many of the former regime’s supporters and associates after Barre’s collapse.

Yet we are not aware that any Somalis today are now being accosted by strangers—as are Jews—and lectured about what their former leader’s regime did to the thousands of innocent civilians.

After October 7, we were also lectured that Israel was not just guilty of various war crimes but illegitimate in its very existence. Indeed, it became chic to condemn Israeli Jews as “settler colonialists”—despite residing in the 3,500-year homeland of the Jewish people.

New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani, an immigrant from Uganda, is not just a fierce critic of so-called “white neighborhoods” and one-percenter billionaires and millionaires. He also seems to loathe Israel. In that context, his supporters and would-be appointees have damned the Jewish state as an illegitimate settler-colonial enterprise.

But under those very reductionist left-wing definitions, should not the Indian community in Uganda—which made up at most a wealthy 1 percent of the population—be defined as settler-colonialists (in addition to suspect rich one-percenters)?

The wealthiest man in Uganda is an Indian-Ugandan billionaire. And the minuscule Indian population today in Uganda continues to exercise power and influence, disproportionate to their numbers—in stark contrast to the impoverished indigenous population. The Mamdani family certainly was not representative, in terms of money and status, of the average Ugandan.

Is such privilege also a mortal sin in Mamdani’s eyes?

Should Mamdani himself, born in Uganda among “settler colonial” exploiters, then have to defend himself as a son of “interlopers,” as is often said of the Jews in Israel?

Certainly, Indians had no historical claim to Uganda analogous to that of the Jews in Israel. (Was there ever a four-millennium-long history of Indians living in Central Africa?)

The list of these absurd asymmetries could be expanded endlessly:

The furor over Gaza is accompanied by the silence over the recent 30,000 unarmed Iranians murdered by a theocratic dictatorship, one often cheered on by the Left for its resistance to the US.

Or the disgraceful and mostly covered-up history of France in Chad, where French repressive measures over the course of their 20th-century colonial occupation led to as many as 300,000 deaths. The cruelty was emblematized by the Coupe-Coupe (“cut-cut”) Massacre of 1917, when French soldiers beheaded some 150 local nobles and Islamic scholars. Does Macron ever recall this massacre amid his lectures on Israel’s supposed sinful past and present?

In short, the tell-tale sign of antisemites is not necessarily opposition to Israel.

It is instead an endless fixation on the supposed “crimes” of Israel, when far greater documented horrors elsewhere never merit a word from them.

American Greatness

DOJ Moves to Dismiss Seditious Conspiracy Charges Against Eight Innocent Oath Keepers – Convictions Built on Suppressed Evidence and Apparent Perjury

In another major win for President Trump’s efforts to right the wrongs of the weaponized Biden DOJ and FBI, and to fully restore the rights of all January 6 defendants, the Department of Justice filed a motion late Friday night, May 22, asking D.C. District Court Judge Amit Mehta to dismiss with prejudice the underlying indictments against the eight innocent Oath Keepers defendants whose sentences were commuted (but not fully pardoned) by President Trump.

They were released from prison on Inauguration Night 2025, just as four Proud Boys leaders likewise had their sentences commuted rather than pardoned, and were released from prison.

On May 21, 2026, the D.C. Court of Appeals granted the DOJ’s earlier request to vacate the eight Oath Keepers’ convictions and remand the cases back to the District Court.

With the appeals court’s order in hand, the DOJ has now moved to fully dismiss the cases — mirroring the recent D.C. Court of Appeals order vacating the convictions of the four remaining Proud Boys and remanding to their trial court for consideration of a DOJ motion to dismiss their underlying indictments.

This relief comes as President Trump and his DOJ have established the new $1.776 billion Anti-Weaponization Fund (also referred to as the 1776 Fund), created through a settlement of President Trump’s lawsuit against the IRS. The fund is designed to compensate Americans who suffered under the weaponized Biden DOJ and FBI.

Once the dismissals are granted, these eight Americans will no longer be felons and their records will be wiped clean. Their Second Amendment rights and all other civil rights will be restored.

Among them are four service-connected disabled military veterans who lost critical VA benefits due to the convictions. Those benefits will now be reinstated.

(Three of the four commuted Proud Boys — Joseph Biggs, Zachary Rehl, and Dominic Pezzola — are also veterans who lost their VA benefits and will now have them restored as well).

So now all twelve of the remaining J6ers who were commuted rather than pardoned will have their rights restored.

The eight Oath Keepers defendants are: E. Stewart Rhodes, Kenneth Harrelson, Kelly Meggs, Jessica Watkins, Robert Minuta, David Moerschel, Joseph Hackett, and Edward Vallejo.

Jim Hoft, Gateway Pundit