The Four Communist Machines Behind the Floyd Protests

Antifa has been identified as the primary driver of the violent riots engulfing American cities. But there is a critical second arm of this unholy alliance that has been around longer and has deep roots, along with possible foreign connections. Communists.

It shouldn’t be shocking. Communists domestic and foreign have been trying to undermine and destroy America for many generations. And we’ve seen a disturbing rise in American public support for Socialism and Communism. That support translates into resources and manpower on the ground and it is being put to use.

And yet the Communist element in the riots is getting virtually no media coverage. They’re not as outfront as Antifa and Black Lives Matters, but their role may be as big — and longer lasting. Because while Antifa and BLM may fade, apparently we’ll always have Communists in our midst — at least as long as we have universities infiltrated the way they are.

But they’re not hiding the ball. They weave their Marxist-Socialist agenda in with racial tensions to fan the flames, create chaos and destabilize. We’re seeing them do this in cities across the country, and in smaller cities where there is no violence but the Communists still play on the racial tensions.

Let’s start where this started, in the Twin Cities, where the largest Communist organization has a solid foothold. The Democrat Socialists of America (DSA) in Minneapolis has been supporting the rioters with resources and organization while participating in the “protests.” They use the classic Marxist language, tweeting “support the ongoing mass working-class uprising!” and later tweeting: “For all community members, fuel up to fight the fascists & police state today, join us @ Lake & 30th Ave for free hot meals & groceries! Justice & nutrition for the frontlines.”

See how they conflate the two. Here’s their official statement:

“Racist police violence is not incidental to the capitalist system, it is necessary to maintain its operation. We recognize that as we fight for a better world, it will be the police who threaten our protests, the police who will break up our picket lines, the police who selectively wield their monopoly on violence against Black people and working-class people to protect those with power and privilege.”

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DSA is known to be involved in rioting in Atlanta, Los Angeles, Seattle and Memphis. It’s highly likely they are in other cities also.

But they are only one Communist group.

The Workers World Party (WWP) is also in several cities as part of the chaos. The WWP openly supports China, Russia, Cuba, North Korea and Iran — essentially anyone that is an enemy of the United States. The Stalinist group has active chapters in 15 cities. WWP leader Monica Moorehead wrote May 28 an article with the headline, “Against police violence and capitalism, to rebel is justified:”

“Workers World salutes all the brave protesters in Minneapolis, currently ground zero against police terror. We also salute those activists in Los Angeles, Memphis and other cities who are organizing protests and braving the pandemic to be in the streets or in car caravans to show solidarity with the demand: Justice for George Floyd and all victims of police violence.”

The Party for Socialism and Liberation (PSL) has organized protests in smaller cities around the U.S., including Columbia, S.C., Sarasota, Fla., Ashland, N.C., Richland, Wash. as well as San Antonio, Texas and several in the Los Angeles region. In a statement on its website May 26, the PSL said it cannot rely on the FBI for justice in the Floyd case: “The FBI is a violent state institution that has been wielded as a weapon against the liberation movement of black people in the United States.”

Interestingly, the PLS website does not have an About page, so they don’t spell out the radical revolutionary ideology, although the content of their site certainly does. They lament the Soviet Union is no more, celebrate the Chinese Communist revolution and mourn the death of Castro.

According to Wikipedia: “The Party for Socialism and Liberation (PSL) is a communist party in the United States established in 2004 after a split in the Workers World Party (WWP).”

More from Wiki: “The party’s goal is to lead a revolution paving the way towards socialism, under which a ‘new government of working people’ would be formed.”

And finally, there is the Revolutionary Communist Party (RCP), a self-identified Maoist Communist organization, is calling for “a movement for an actual revolution” on the coattails of the Floyd murder and is participating in riots. This group published a statement titled “To YOU who are sick and tired of the madness, and ready to be part of a movement for an ACTUAL REVOLUTION:

“If you’re sick of watching video after video of these murders by police… you need to join with a movement for an actual revolution, to prepare for a time when it will be possible to lead millions to bring this system down, and replace it with a new society based on the Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America.”

The RCP wraps itself in leftist causes with coalition groups such as the Stop Patriarchy, October 22 Coalition to Stop Police Brutality, Stop Mass Incarceration Network and Refuse Fascism. Again, they conflate racial tensions with class warfare to leverage more chaos.

These four groups have long histories and are as radical as Antifa. They are not getting the headlines because Antifa is more blatantly violent. But they revel in the violence and burning cities and will continue to sew unrest and turmoil to overthrow America.

Rod Thomson is an author, former journalist, past Salem radio host, ABC TV commentator and is Founder of The Revolutionary Act.

This is not a Revolution: It’s a Blue Print for Locking Down the Country

“When it gets down to having to use violence, then you are playing the system’s game. The establishment will irritate you—pull your beard, flick your face—to make you fight. Because once they’ve got you violent, then they know how to handle you.”—John Lennon

Brace yourselves.

There is something being concocted in the dens of power, far beyond the public eye, and it doesn’t bode well for the future of this country.

Anytime you have an entire nation so mesmerized by political theater and public spectacle that they are oblivious to all else, you’d better beware.

Anytime you have a government that operates in the shadows, speaks in a language of force, and rules by fiat, you’d better beware.

And anytime you have a government so far removed from its people as to ensure that they are never seen, heard or heeded by those elected to represent them, you’d better beware.

What is unfolding before us is not a revolution.

The looting, the burning, the rioting, the violence: this is an anti-revolution.

The protesters are playing right into the government’s hands, because the powers-that-be want this. They want an excuse to lockdown the nation and throw the switch to all-out martial law. They want a reason to make the police state stronger.

It’s happening faster than we can keep up.

The Justice Department is deploying federal prison riot teams to various cities. More than half of the nation’s governors are calling on the National Guard to quell civil unrest. Growing numbers of cities, having just barely emerged from a coronavirus lockdown, are once again being locked down, this time in response to the growing upheaval.

This is how it begins.

It’s that dystopian 2030 Pentagon training video all over again, which anticipates the need for the government to institute martial law (use armed forces to solve domestic political and social problems) in order to navigate a world bedeviled by “criminal networks,” “substandard infrastructure,” “religious and ethnic tensions,” “impoverishment, slums,” “open landfills, over-burdened sewers,” a “growing mass of unemployed,” and an urban landscape in which the prosperous economic elite must be protected from the impoverishment of the have nots.

We’re way ahead of schedule.

The architects of the police state have us exactly where they want us: under their stamping boot, gasping for breath, desperate for freedom, grappling for some semblance of a future that does not resemble the totalitarian prison being erected around us.

This way lies certain tyranny.

For just one fleeting moment, “we the people” seemed united in our outrage over this latest killing of an unarmed man by a cop hyped up on his own authority and the power of his uniform.

That unity didn’t last.

Indeed, it didn’t take long—no surprise there—for us to quickly become divided again, polarized by the misguided fury and senseless violence of mobs taking to the streets, reeking of madness and mayhem.

Deliberately or not, the rioters have directed our attention away from the government’s crimes and onto their own.

This is a distraction.

Don’t allow yourself to be so distracted.

Let’s not lose sight of what started all of this in the first place: the U.S. government.

More than terrorism, more than domestic extremism, more than gun violence and organized crime, the systemic violence being perpetrated by agents of the government constitutes a greater menace to the life, liberty and property of its citizens than any of the so-called dangers from which the government claims to protect us.

Case in point: George Floyd died at the hands of the American police state.

The callous, cold-blooded murder of the unarmed, 46-year-old black man by police is nothing new: for 8 minutes and 46 seconds, police knelt on Floyd’s neck while the man pleaded for his life, struggled to breathe, cried out for his dead mother, and finally passed out and died.

Floyd is yet another victim of a broken system of policing that has placed “we the people” at the mercy of militarized cops who have almost absolute discretion to decide who is a threat, what constitutes resistance, and how harshly they can deal with the citizens they were appointed to “serve and protect.”

Daily, Americans are being shot, stripped, searched, choked, beaten and tasered by police for little more than daring to frown, smile, question, challenge an order or just exist.

I’m talking about the growing numbers of unarmed people are who being shot and killed for just standing a certain way, or moving a certain way, or holding something—anything—that police could misinterpret to be a gun, or igniting some trigger-centric fear in a police officer’s mind that has nothing to do with an actual threat to their safety.

Killed by police for standing in a “shooting stance.” Killed for holding a cell phone. Killed for holding a baseball bat. Killed for opening the front door. Killed for being a child in a car pursued by police. Killed for approaching police while holding a metal spoon. Killed for running in an aggressive manner while holding a tree branch. Killed for crawling around naked. Killed for hunching over in a defensive posture. Killed because a police officer accidentally fired his gun instead of his taser. Killed for wearing dark pants and a basketball jersey. Killed for reaching for his license and registration during a traffic stop. Killed for driving while deaf. Killed for being homeless. Killed for brandishing a shoehorn. Killed for peeing outdoors. Killed for having his car break down on the road. Killed for holding a garden hose.

Now you can make all kinds of excuses to justify these shootings, and in fact that’s exactly what you’ll hear from politicians, police unions, law enforcement officials and individuals who are more than happy to march in lockstep with the police. However, as these incidents make clear, the only truly compliant, submissive and obedient citizen in a police state is a dead one.

Sad, isn’t it, how quickly we have gone from a nation of laws—where the least among us had just as much right to be treated with dignity and respect as the next person (in principle, at least)—to a nation of law enforcers (revenue collectors with weapons) who treat us all like suspects and criminals?

This is not how you keep the peace.

This is not justice. This is not even law and order.

This is certainly not freedom. This is the illusion of freedom.

Unfortunately, we are now being ruled by a government of psychopaths, scoundrels, spies, thugs, thieves, gangsters, ruffians, rapists, extortionists, bounty hunters, battle-ready warriors and cold-blooded killers who communicate using a language of force and oppression.

The facts speak for themselves.

We’re being ravaged by a government of ruffians, rapists and killers. It’s not just the police shootings of unarmed citizens that are worrisome. It’s the SWAT team raids gone wrong that are leaving innocent citizens wounded, children terrorized and family pets killed. It’s the roadside strip searches—in some cases, cavity searches of men and women alike carried out in full view of the public—in pursuit of drugs that are never found. It’s the potentially lethal—and unwarranted—use of so-called “nonlethal” weapons such as tasers on children for “mouthing off to a police officer. For trying to run from the principal’s office. For, at the age of 12, getting into a fight with another girl.”

We’re being held at gunpoint by a government of soldiers—a standing army. While Americans are being made to jump through an increasing number of hoops in order to exercise their Second Amendment right to own a gun, the government is arming its own civilian employees to the hilt with guns, ammunition and military-style equipment, authorizing them to make arrests, and training them in military tactics. Among the agencies being supplied with night-vision equipment, body armor, hollow-point bullets, shotguns, drones, assault rifles and LP gas cannons are the Smithsonian, U.S. Mint, Health and Human Services, IRS, FDA, Small Business Administration, Social Security Administration, National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, Education Department, Energy Department, Bureau of Engraving and Printing and an assortment of public universities. There are now reportedly more bureaucratic (non-military) government civilians armed with high-tech, deadly weapons than U.S. Marines. That doesn’t even begin to touch on the government’s arsenal, the transformation of local police into extensions of the military, and the speed with which the nation could be locked down under martial law depending on the circumstances. Clearly, the government is preparing for war—and a civil war, at that—and “we the people” are the perceived enemy.

We’re being taken advantage of by a government of scoundrels, idiots and cowards. American satirist H.L. Mencken calculated that “Congress consists of one-third, more or less, scoundrels; two-thirds, more or less, idiots; and three-thirds, more or less, poltroons.” By and large, Americans seem to agree. When you’ve got government representatives who spend a large chunk of their work hours fundraising, being feted by lobbyists, shuffling through a lucrative revolving door between public service and lobbying, and making themselves available to anyone with enough money to secure access to a congressional office, you’re in the clutches of a corrupt oligarchy. Mind you, these same elected officials rarely read the legislation they’re enacting, nor do they seem capable of enacting much legislation that actually helps rather than hinders the plight of the American citizen.

We’re being locked up by a government of greedy jailers. We have become a carceral state, spending three times more on our prisons than on our schools and imprisoning close to a quarter of the world’s prisoners, despite the fact that crime is at an all-time low and the U.S. makes up only 5% of the world’s population. The rise of overcriminalization and profit-driven private prisons provides even greater incentives for locking up American citizens for such non-violent “crimes” as having an overgrown lawn. As the Boston Review points out, “America’s contemporary system of policing, courts, imprisonment, and parole … makes money through asset forfeiture, lucrative public contracts from private service providers, and by directly extracting revenue and unpaid labor from populations of color and the poor. In states and municipalities throughout the country, the criminal justice system defrays costs by forcing prisoners and their families to pay for punishment. It also allows private service providers to charge outrageous fees for everyday needs such as telephone calls. As a result people facing even minor criminal charges can easily find themselves trapped in a self-perpetuating cycle of debt, criminalization, and incarceration.”

We’re being spied on by a government of Peeping Toms. The government, aided by its corporate allies, is watching everything you do, reading everything you write, listening to everything you say, and monitoring everything you spend. Omnipresent surveillance is paving the way for government programs that profile citizens, document their behavior and attempt to predict what they might do in the future, whether it’s what they might buy, what politician they might support, or what kinds of crimes they might commit. The impact of this far-reaching surveillance, according to Psychology Today, is “reduced trust, increased conformity, and even diminished civic participation.” As technology analyst Jillian C. York concludes, “Mass surveillance without due process—whether undertaken by the government of Bahrain, Russia, the US, or anywhere in between—threatens to stifle and smother that dissent, leaving in its wake a populace cowed by fear.”

We’re being forced to surrender our freedoms—and those of our children—to a government of extortionists, money launderers and professional pirates. The American people have been repeatedly sold a bill of goods about how the government needs more money, more expansive powers, and more secrecy (secret courts, secret budgets, secret military campaigns, secret surveillance) in order to keep us safe. Under the guise of fighting its wars on terror, drugs, domestic extremism, pandemics and civil unrest, the government has spent billions in taxpayer dollars on endless wars that have sown the seeds of blowback, surveillance programs that have subjected all Americans to a surveillance society, and militarized police that have turned communities into warzones.

We’re being robbed blind by a government of thieves. Americans no longer have any real protection against government agents empowered to seize private property at will. For instance, police agencies under the guise of asset forfeiture laws are taking property based on little more than a suspicion of criminal activity.

And we’re being forced to live in a perpetual state of emergency. From 9/11 through the COVID-19 lockdowns and now the threat of martial law in the face of growing civil unrest, we have witnessed the rise of an “emergency state” that justifies all manner of government tyranny and power grabs in the so-called name of national security.

Whatever else it may be—a danger, a menace, a threat—the U.S. government is certainly not looking out for our best interests, nor is it in any way a friend to freedom.

When the government views itself as superior to the citizenry, when it no longer operates for the benefit of the people, when the people are no longer able to peacefully reform their government, when government officials cease to act like public servants, when elected officials no longer represent the will of the people, when the government routinely violates the rights of the people and perpetrates more violence against the citizenry than the criminal class, when government spending is unaccountable and unaccounted for, when the judiciary act as courts of order rather than justice, and when the government is no longer bound by the laws of the Constitution, then you no longer have a government “of the people, by the people and for the people.”

What we have is a government of wolves.

Our backs are against the proverbial wall.

The government and its cohorts have conspired to ensure that the only real recourse the American people have to express their displeasure with the government is through voting, which is no real recourse at all.

The penalties for civil disobedience, whistleblowing and rebellion are severe. If you refuse to pay taxes for government programs you believe to be immoral or illegal, you will go to jail. If you attempt to overthrow the government—or any agency thereof—because you believe it has overstepped its reach, you will go to jail. If you attempt to blow the whistle on government misconduct, there’s a pretty good chance you will go to jail.

For too long, the American people have obeyed the government’s dictates, no matter now extreme. We have paid its taxes, penalties and fines, no matter how outrageous. We have tolerated its indignities, insults and abuses, no matter how egregious. We have turned a blind eye to its indiscretions and incompetence, no matter how imprudent. We have held our silence in the face of its lawlessness, licentiousness and corruption, no matter how illicit.

We have suffered.

How long we will continue to suffer depends on how much we’re willing to give up for the sake of freedom.

America’s founders provided us with a very specific explanation about the purpose of government and a roadmap for what to do when the government abuses its authority, ignores our objections, and establishes itself as a tyrant.

We must choose between peaceful slavery (in other words, maintaining the status quo in servitude to the police state) and dangerous freedom. That will mean carving out a path in which we begin to take ownership of our government, starting at the local level, challenging the status quo, and raising hell—nonviolently—whenever a government official steps out of line.

We can no longer maintain the illusion of freedom.

As I make clear in my book Battlefield America: The War on the American People, we are at our most vulnerable right now.

Constitutional attorney and author John W. Whitehead is founder and president of The Rutherford Institute. His new book Battlefield America: The War on the American People is available at Whitehead can be contacted at

Antifa Now Mainstream

Attorney General William Barr said Saturday that violence in many places around the country appears to have been planned and carried out by “far-left extremist groups using Antifa-like tactics” in the wake of riots over the death of George Floyd. [Breitbart News]

No kidding. Thank goodness President Trump sees through it, and is willing to say so. Democrat voters — and I now mean every last one of them — are the moral and literal equivalent of these thugs. I challenge you to find one Democrat who will denounce them. Just another reminder that we are ALREADY in a Civil War. Like it or not.–Michael J. Hurd

Riots are not Protests

The powers that be proclaim that the George Floyd riots are “protests” — not riots. But protests are peaceful and principled. Think Martin Luther King. THOSE were protests. Riots are destructive. They’re also contradictory. If you care about the rights of an innocent man murdered by an overzealous police officer, then you don’t burn down buildings, destroy small businesses and leave a pile of rubble behind you. You don’t attack police stations when you’re counting on the GOOD police to protect you. You don’t attack CNN (as much as they may deserve it) when it’s one of the networks on YOUR side. It’s rioting. It’s looting. It’s destruction for its own sake.

They’re counting on us not knowing the difference. Or they’re counting on us not being willing to state the difference. If you call them riots, not protests, then you’re called a “racist”. It’s part of the madness of the times in which we live. Conceptual thinking is dead, at least among the people who sit in news anchor chairs or in government offices and act as if they’re the rational, civilized and intellectual ones.

Look at the wreckage left behind in the cities. Then focus on the fact that Mayor de Blasio of New York City, the kooky mayor of Minneapolis, Hollywood/corporate leftists, and all the others tell you: “That’s a protest.” They are lying to you about everything. And they wish to train you to lie to yourselves.—-Michael J. Hurd

Re-print: A Letter to Young Black Americans


This essay is specifically written for young black Americans who believe or have absorbed the incessant message that the ghetto and life on the margin are their destiny, that success is unattainable, and that dreams are only for white people.

Before you are halfway through the essay, many of you will be condemning and ridiculing me as simplistic, unrealistic, idealistic, and naive. But you ignore my message at your own peril. It is very demanding. Anything worth having is very demanding. Your friends may ostracize you and ridicule you as “trying to be white.” If that’s the case, are they really friends worth having? And so I begin.

You can’t change history. Government-enforced slavery happened, government-enforced Jim Crow happened, government-enforced segregation happened. I don’t mean to minimize it or make light of it. It is a tragic, three-hundred-year long chapter in our history. But you can change the future. I’m not suggesting you ignore the past, but that you make the future the primary focus of your life.

What do you want to do with your life? What do you want to become ? Take stock of yourself. List your assets and your shortcomings. Chart a course.

When’s the last time you asked yourself, “What am I gonna do when I grow up?” Perhaps it’s time.

Focus on yourself. Avoid group identity in your search for meaning. We are all islands of consciousness. We are defined by the virtues and values we embrace, not our race, nor our gender, nor any other unearned qualities. Black leaders and community organizers are quick to urge, “Organize, organize, organize !” Organizing via the political process is what people do who lack marketable skills in the productive sector.

What they should be encouraging us to do is “Learn, learn, learn, read, read, read, work, work, work.” Remember—community organizers and social justice warriors are just nice terms for people who aren’t gainfully employed. Few have any meaningful private sector accomplishments. Remember—anybody can work for the government. All you have to do is show up and have a pulse.

Pulling down Confederate statues may assuage your anger and impress your friends. But it also betrays a shallow understanding of American History and the Civil War. The Civil War, like most major events in history, was a very complex event. Abraham Lincoln was no saint, and Robert E. Lee was hardly the monstrous ogre his detractors would have us believe. Before you embrace the lopsided, simplistic, politically motivated “It was all about slavery and racism” mantra about the Civil War, do your homework. Get the facts, peel away the layers of the onion, ask probing questions of those who pretend with absolute certainty to know everything about American history.

We are all products of our times. Earlier generations of Americans, including the Founders, viewed the world and human nature much differently than our own. Feudalism was still the dominant socio-economic system in Europe. Much of Great Britain still consisted of large manorial estates staffed by indentured laborers. Titles of nobility were still prevalent in rigidly stratified societies. Darwin’s “Origin of Species,” the epic of evolutionary biology proving scientifically that all men WERE indeed created equal, would not be published until 1859, years after our Founding and almost as if by Providence, only three years before the beginning of The War Between the States.

The first Anglo-American settlers brought these values and assumptions, however warped they may seem to modern Americans, to our shores. The American Revolution could correctly be called both the Last Act of Feudalism and the First Act of the Enlightenment. Before we blindly assail our forebears, we would be well advised to attempt to understand the world as they saw it. By the way, library cards are free.

Unless you’re caring for your aging parents or are fortunate enough to have found a decent job, get out of the ghetto. Immediately. Do not pass Go, Do not collect $200. It’s a cesspool, a dead end. As long as you stay there, you’re probably going nowhere, except maybe prison. Risk is essential to success, and mobility is a form of risk. Successful people embrace mobility. They are willing to leave safe harbors to pursue opportunity and seek a better and brighter future. Think the Pilgrims. They had no government assistance—no food stamps, no rent subsidies, no nothing. The Pilgrims were not into immediate gratification, nor dependency. They survived with relentless hard work, unbridled persistence, and their Faith.

Two centuries ago, a popular piece of advice was, “Go west, young man.” In other words, go where the jobs and opportunities lie. Take the Bakken oil boom centered in Williston, North Dakota. African Americans from all walks of life and geographical areas are finding jobs in North Dakota. Blacks now hold ten percent of all jobs in the shale petrochemical industries. But industry experts predict that blacks will soon hold one-third of all jobs in the industry. Bottom line—don’t be afraid to leave home. You have nothing to lose but your despair.

One of the persons I most admire is Dr. Ben Carson. Born and raised in a Detroit ghetto he went on to become the world’s premier pediatric neurosurgeon. His mother imposed strict discipline in the household and made him read, read, read. The black establishment has rewarded him by shunning him and calling him an Uncle Tom, much the same as they treat Justice Clarence Thomas or anyone else who dares to leave the plantation and write their own narrative. Dr. Carson should be addressing inner-city high school students everyday and welcomed with opened arms. Urge your school to invite him to speak.

Stay off the junk. Drugs and alcohol are but a temporary escape from a life bereft of hope and meaning. It won’t shorten your sentence in the ghetto or improve your situation in any meaningful way. Why do you think they call it junk ?

If you can’t afford to go to college, learn a trade. Despite all of the advances in technology, the world will still need plumbers, carpenters, landscapers, welders, machinists, hair stylists, and electricians for the foreseeable future. As my plumber friend likes to say, “As long as people have to use the toilet, I’ll always have a job.” (He used more colorful language.)

If you can’t afford to go to college, get a job, any legal job. Dealing junk doesn’t count. I used to patronize a popular fast-food franchise near my old neighborhood, not because I liked fast food, but because my adolescent son and his baseball teammates did. They hired a black guy likely right out of high school who was clearly on the ball, very fast, courteous, and diligent. After a while, he became a team leader, after that a shift leader. Before you knew it, he was an Assistant Manager. Just before we moved out of the neighborhood, his name tag read, “MANAGER.” This progression of promotions happened over a period of about three years. If he’s still with the company, he’s probably a District Manager or better. If not, he’s probably fishing off the Keys with a cool babe.

Almost all minimum wage jobs are temporary. Most minimum wage employees either find better-paying opportunities, or like our fast-food guy, stay with the company and move up the ranks through good old-fashioned hardwork and diligence.

Stop making babies you have no intention nor means of taking care of. Proper parenting is a lifetime, and yes, somewhat costly adventure. Unless you have a nanny, it tends to cramp your style. Unless you’re prepared to make this most serious of commitments, just drop the whole thing. Why any woman, of any color, would want to shack up with some guy without any visible means of support, is beyond me. Have you no self-respect? Have you given a smidgen of thought to bringing another child into the world without a live-in, loving father with a steady job. Just tell these losers, “Unless you’re prepared to put a ring on my finger, take a long walk off a short pier.”

Stop the blame game and stop embracing victimhood. Blame is the refuge of cowards, the ignorant, and those who would refuse to accept personal responsibility. Blaming others for your situation in life might make you feel better, but will accomplish little else. It’s not going to fatten your wallet by a farthing, that’s for sure. Even if everything you say about racism, the police, and the legacy of slavery were true, how is that going to improve your life? Demand that you be held accountable to the same standards as everyone else. Would you rather get ahead because of your race or because you’re the most qualified ? Those who push this rubbish are trying to use you like a cheap condom to advance an obsolete, self-aggrandizing ideology where they win and you lose. They are part of an ossified, parasitic, predatory political order which preys upon your misery and despair to maintain and advance their political power at your expense.

If blame you must, then blame the criminally negligent and woefully ignorant public-school system for much of what ails the black community. Those who run this system should be strung from a lamppost. Our schools are not supposed to teach us WHAT to think, but HOW to think. They are supposed to impart critical thinking skills like logic, rhetoric, and deductive reasoning. These skills will carry you much further than a daily dose of climate studies, gender-bender philosophy, and that whites are the root of all evil. If you teach kids how to think, they can learn anything and they’ll be able to separate fact from fiction. If possible, take your kids out of public school. Public schools are only the mouthpiece of our corrupt, ossified establishment.

Every high school student should be able to understand this essay and discuss the concepts therein. If you don’t understand the essay, that’s just more evidence of the failure of our public education system.

Speak English. I was born and raised in a quasi-civilized place called Pittsburgh. I managed to survive. Pittsburghers have a very thick and easily identifiable accent called “Yinzer.” But with practice I have taught myself how to turn it on and off like a lightswitch. If I’m around my Yinzer friends, I speak Yinzer n’at. If I’m with normal people, I speak the King’s English. Again, if you can’t switch from street lingo to the King’s English, it’s time to flunk the public education system.

Stop baring your ass in public. It’s rude, disrespectful, and completely undignified. It speaks volumes of your character and yes, your upbringing. If I had walked around like that in my youth, my mother and father would have slapped me senseless. My mother had strict standards when it came to the clothes I wore in public. How ’bout yours ?

Again, I can already hear the howls of protest in reaction to this essay for reasons already specified. But I speak from the heart, however critically. Don’t tell me you can’t do it because you must. Failure is not an option if you are ever to break the cycle of poverty and despair.

Reality is a harsh mistress. The universe doesn’t give a rat’s ass about your feelings and sensitivities, let alone the amount of melanin in your skin. It operates blindly according to fixed, immutable laws. There are no safe spaces and no one is coming to your rescue.

The Artful Dilettante

The Great Books of Liberty

The founder of Liberty Fund, Pierre F. Goodrich, had a long standing interest in the Great Books program which goes back to the creation of the Great Books Foundation in 1947 by Dr. Robert M. Hutchins, the chancellor of the University of Chicago. Goodrich was a member of the Foundation’s National Board between 1947 and 1955 and was Chairman of the Indiana State Committee of the Foundation.[1] However, Goodrich had a falling out with the National Board over the kind of texts which should be included on their list of “Great Books”. Given his interest in political, economic, and individual liberty, Goodrich had a more political focus than his colleagues, so in 1957 he began to plan a way to implement his own version of the Great Books, which would become in effect “The Great Books of Liberty” and which would become a core component of the OLL online collection of texts.

His vision took the form of a seminar room which he paid to be built in the Lilly Library at Wabash College, Indiana. The names of the authors on his list of great books (along with some names of texts) would be engraved on the wall of a large seminar room which had an oval table in the centre and book cases around the perimeter of the room. The list of names and titles ended with the American Declaration of Independence of 1776. The two images below will give some idea of what it looks like.

Goodrich’s intent in designing the room in this way is well described by Hans Eicholz:[2]

The room provides the students of Wabash College with a practical tool for understanding and interpreting the historical evolution of the idea of individual liberty. Etched into limestone slabs set in its walls are important names and developments of significance in the history of freedom that stretch back in time from the Declaration of Independence to the epic story of Gilgamesh and the Sumerian reforms of Urukagina of Lagash in the third millennium B.C. The room itself is of grand proportions, as it must be to accommodate the great span of time over which the idea of liberty developed: thirty-eight feet from north to south and fifty feet from east to west. The ceiling is eighteen feet high with inset lights that illuminate the discussion table below and the stone inscriptions on the walls.

Beneath the limestone inlays Mr. Goodrich placed the primary works and histories of each entry plus other writings that have contributed significantly to our understanding of liberty. The collection of books thus extends the story of humankind’s struggle against tyranny well beyond the Declaration of Independence and into the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

In the middle of this vast collection of materials is a large oval table that can be broken down into smaller stations to accommodate conversation groups of various sizes. When one considers the room as a whole, the intent of its designer becomes evident: the idea of liberty, which was developed and transmitted from generation to generation, is seen as a long historical conversation of which the students themselves are a part.

The lighting of the room first calls the student’s attention to the walls, where he or she views in brief the long chain of names and dates. Then, wherever his interest may draw him, the student is encouraged to explore further by consulting the appropriate books below the etchings. And should other students be present, the table and chairs invite them to converse about the subjects at hand.

As noted by Mr. Goodrich in the introductory letter following this foreword, the whole chamber forms a link between the present and the past in the exploration of liberty. In the hands of an able teacher, the potential of the room is tremendous. Those who use the Goodrich Seminar Room as its founder intended immediately sense that they are indeed part of a long conversation that includes not only those who sit around the table but also all those whose works are on the shelves and whose names are etched into the surrounding walls.

We have tried to show the relationship between the names on the four walls of the Goodrich Seminar Room here.

In addition to the names on the walls of the Goodrich Seminar Room, Goodrich drew up other lists of great books and authors from time to time. In the list of texts provided below we use the following abbreviations to indicate which list the author or title came from:

“GSR” for those names and titles which appear on the walls of the Goodrich Seminary Room at Wabash College (there are about 100)
“Other” for those names which appeared on other lists Goodrich drew up from time to time
“ADD.” for those “additional” names we have added from books published by Liberty Fund or on whom Liberty Fund has organized academic conferences.
What makes Goodrich’s list of the “Great Books” a bit unusual is that he begins with ancient India, China, and Sumeria, which shows that he was interested in more than just the “western tradition”; he has a larger number of medieval authors than one might have expected; he stops (at least in the Goodrich Seminar Room) with the American Declaration of Independence of 1776 and not, again as one might have expected, with the American Constitution; that there is a relative paucity of texts from the 18th and 19th centuries.

Please note, that our lists of texts for the 19th and 20th centuries are more political and economic in their focus than the previous eras.

The Great Books of Liberty
List of Historical Periods
Ancient Asia
Ancient Greece
Ancient Rome
The Medieval Period
Renaissance and Reformation
Early Modern Period
18th Century
19th Century
20th Century and Beyond

Ancient Asia [other authors from this period]

Author Source Other Guides
Confucius (551 BC-479 BC)

The Analects

Lao Tzu (c. 570 BC)

The Texts of Taoism

Mencius (371-289 BC)

Life and Teachings

Mo Tzu (c. 470-391 BC)


Shih Ching (520 BC)



Author Source Other Guides
Bhagavadgita (c. 200 BC)


Buddha (6thC BC)

The Gospel of Buddha

Mahabharata (1400-1000 BC)

The Ramayana and the Mahabharata


A Vedic Reader for Students

Upanishads (c. 1000-650 BC)

The Thirteen Principal Upanishads

Sumeria and Middle East

Author Source Other Guides
Ur-Nammu (ca. 2050 B.C.)



Epich of Gilgamesh

Hammurabi’s Code (1792 BC-1750 BC)


Old Testament

Isaiah (8thC BC) – text
Jeremiah (7th-6thC BC) – text
Job (6thC BC) – text
Moses (13thC BC) – Genesis, Exodus, Deuteronomy
Psalms (King David)
Hosea – text
Micah – text
Amos (8thC BC) – text
Samuel – text

Urukagina (c. 2350 BC)


Zarathushtra (628 BC-522 BC)

The Teachings of Zoroaster

Ancient Greece [other authors from this period]
Author Source Other Guides
Aeschylus (525 BC-456 BC)

The Lyrical Dramas of Aeschylus
Prometheus Bound

Archimedes (c. 284-211 BC)


Aristophanes (446-386 BCE)

The Comedies
Aristotle (384 BC-322 BC)

Nicomachean Ethics
The Politics

Euclid (c. 365-300 BC)


Herodotus (484-425 BCE)

The History
Hesiod (c. 700 BC-c. 700 BC)

Works and Days

Hippocrates (c. 460-377 BC)


Homer (9thC BC-9thC BC)

The Iliad
The Odyssey

Plato (427c BC-347 BC)

The Republic
The Laws

Socrates (470 BC-399 BC)

Dialogs of Plato
Apology, Crito, Gorgias, Meno

Sophocles (496 BC-406 BC)

The Tragedies

Thales (624-546 B.C.)

History of Greek Mathematics

Thucydides (460c BC-400 BC)

The Peloponnesian Wars

Ancient Rome [other authors from this period]
Author Source Other Guides
Ambrose (339-397)

On the Mysteries and the Treatise on the Sacraments

Augustine, Saint (354-430)

The City of God
Concerning the Teacher
On Music

Aurelius, Marcus (121-180)

The Meditations
Cicero, Marcus Tullius (106BC-43BC)

On Moral Duties
Treatise on the Commonwealth
Treatise on the Laws

Epictetus (55-135)


Gaius (130-180)

Institutes of Roman Law

Galen (129-199)


Origen (185-254)

Contra Celsum
De Principiis

New Testament

Jesus Christ (3 BC-30)
Matthew, Saint (1stC) – text
Mark, Saint (1stC) – text Paul, Saint (10-67) – text
John, Saint (1stC) – text
Luke, Saint (1stC) – text
Jesus Christ

Plotinus (205-270)

Ethical Treatises

Plutarch (46c.-125)

The Morals
The Lives

Tacitus, Publius Cornelius (56-120)


Virgil (70 BC-19 BC)

The Aeneid
The Georgics

The Medieval Period [other authors from this period]
Author Source Other Guides
Anselm, Saint (1033-1109)


Aquinas, St. Thomas (1225-1274)

Summa Theologica
Summa contra gentiles
Of the Teacher
Treatise on Laws

Averroes (Ibn Rushd) (1126-1198)


Avicenna (980-1037)

Writings on Philosophy
Writings on Medicine

Bede, Saint (672-735)

Ecclesiastical History of the English Nation

Benedict, Saint (480-547)

The Rule of St. Benedict

Beowulf (8thC-)

The Tale of Beowulf

Boethius (470-524)

The Consolation of Philosophy


Chaucer, Geoffrey (c. 1340-1400)

Troilus and Criseyde
The Canterbury Tales

Dante Alighieri (1265-1321)

The Divine Comedy
De Monarchia

Francis, Saint (1181-1226)


Al Ghazali (1058-1111)

The Alchemy of Happiness

Groot, Gerhard (1340-1384)


Heimskringla (1220)

The Heimskringla

Kalidasa (5thC-5thC)


Thomas á Kempis (1380-1471)

The Imitation of Christ
Magna Carta (1215)

Magna Carta

LM: Justin Champion, “Magna Carta after 800 Years” (May, 2015)
Maimonides, Moses (1135-1204)

A Guide for the Perplexed

Mohammed (570-632)

The Quran

Petrarca, Francesco (1304-1374)


Rhazes (ca. 865-923/32)

The Spiritual Physic

Roman (Gregorian) chant

Gregorian Chant

Saga of Burnt Njal (c. 13thC)


Wyclife, John (1330-1384)

Tracts and Treatises

Gerard Zerbolt (1367-1398)

The Imitation of Christ

The Renaissance and Reformation [other authors from this period]
Author Source Other Guides
Boetie, Etienne de la (1530-1563)

The Discourse of Voluntary Servitude (1576)
Calvin, John (1509-1564)

The Institutes of the Christian Religion
Commentaries on the Epistles of Paul

Copernicus, Nicolaus (1473-1543)

On the revolution of celestial spheres (1543)

Erasmus, Desiderius (1469-1536)

The Colloquies
The Complaint of Peace
In Praise of Folly

PP with Machiavelli, The Prince (1513)
Huss, Jan (1372-1417)

The Church

Luther, Martin (1483-1546)

The 95 Theses
Commentary on Galatians
An Open Letter to the Christian Nobility
A Prelude on the Babylonian Captivity of the Church
A Treatises on Christian Liberty

Machiavelli, Niccolo (1469-1527)

The Prince (1513)
History of Florence (1525)
Discourses on Livy (1517)
PP with Erasmus, The Education of a Christian Prince (1515)
Melanchthon, Philipp (1497-1560)

The Loci Cummunes (1521)

Montaigne, Michel de (1533-1592)

More, Thomas (1478-1535)

Utopia (1516)
Reformation Chorale

Luther’s Hymns
Bach’s Chorals

Savonarola, Girolamo (1452-1498)

The Triumph of the Cross (1497)

Zwingli, Huldrych (1484-1531)

Selected Works

Early Modern Period [other authors from this period]
Author Source Other Guides
Bacon, Francis (1561-1626)

The Advancement of Learning (1605)
New Atlantis (1627)
Bayle, Pierre (1647-1706)

Historical and Critical Dictionary (1697)
A Philosophical Commentary (1686)
Coke, Sir Edward (1552-1634)

Institutes of the Laws of England (1608)
The Petition of Right (1628)

Descartes, Réné (1696-1650)

Discourse of Method (1637)
Meditations (1641)
Galilei, Galileo (1564-1642)

Dialogue Concerning the Two Chief World Systems, Ptolemaic and Copernican (1632)
Dialogues Concerning Two New Sciences (1638)

Harrington, James (1611-1677)

The Commonwealth of Oceana (1656)

The English Revolution

PP with Hobbes, Leviathan (1651)

Hobbes, Thomas (1588-1679)

Leviathan (1651)
Behemoth (1668)
PP with Harrington, The Commonwealth of Oceana(1656) and Leveller Tracts and Cumberland, A Treatise of the Laws of Nature (1672)
Hooker, Richard (1553-1699)

Of the Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity (1594-97)
Grotius, Hugo (1583-1645)

The Free Sea (1609)
The Rights of War and Peace (1625)

LM: Fernando R. Tesón, “Hugo Grotius on War and the State” (Matrch 2014)

Lilburne, John (1615-1657)

The Third Agreement of the People (May 1649)
PPwith Hobbes, Leviathan (1651)
Locke, John (1632-1704)

Two Treatises of Government (1680-83)
Essay Concerning Human Understanding (1686)
Letter Concerning Toleration (1689-92)

Eric Mack, Introduction to Locke’s Political Thought

On John Locke

Debate on The Divine Right of Kings

LM: Eric Mack on “John Locke on Property” (Jan. 2013)

PP with Filmer, Patriarcha (1680)

Milton, John (1608-1674)

Areopagitica (1644)
The Tenure of Kings and Magistrates (1649)
The Ready and Easy Way to Establish a Free Commonwealth (1660)
Paradise Lost (1667)

The English Revolution

Newton, Sir Isaac (1642-1727)

Principia (1687)

Overton, Richard (1631-1664)

An Arrow against all Tyrants (1646)
PP with Hobbes, Leviathan (1651)
Pascal, Blaise (1623-1662)

Thoughts (1669)
Pufendorf, Samuel von (1632-1694)

The Elements of Universal Jurisprudence (1660)
On Natural and International Law (1672)
The Whole Duty of Man According to the Law of Nature (1673)
LM: “Pufendorf on Power and Liberty” (January, 2017)
Robinson, John (1575-1625)

Farewell Address to the Pilgrims (1620)


Shakespeare, William (1564-1616)

tragedies: Hamlet, Othello, King Lear, and Macbeth
historical dramas: Richard II, Henry V and Julius Caesar

LM: John E. Alvis, “The Corrupting Influence of Power in Shakespeare’s Plays” (July 2016)

Sidney, Algernon (1622-1683)

Discourses Concerning Government (1698)

Spinoza, Benedict de (1632-1677)

Tractatus Theologico-Politicus (1670)
Tractatus Politicus (1675-76)

18th Century [other authors from this period]
Author Source Other Guides
Beccaria, Cesare (1738-1794)

An Essay on Crimes and Punishments (1764)
PP with Bentham, Panopticon (1787)
Blackstone, William (1723-1780)

Commentaries on the Laws of England (1753)
On the Nature of Laws in General

Burke, Edmund (1729-1797)

Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790)

PP with Paine, Rights of Man(1791)
Condorcet (1743-1794)

On the Admission of Women to the Rights of Citizenship (1790)
Outlines of an historical view of the progress of the human mind (1795)
Diderot, Denis (1713-1784)

The Encyclopedia (1751)
LM: “How Radical Was the Political Thought of the Encyclopédie?” (March, 2018)
Ferguson, Adam (1723-1816)

An Essay on the History of Civil Society (1767)
Gibbon, Edward (1737-1794)

Autobiography (1795)
The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (1776)
Godwin, William (1756-1836)

An Enquiry Concerning Political Justice (1793)
Of Population (1820)
PP with Malthus, An Essay on Population (1798)
Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von (1749-1832)

Faust (1808)
Egmont (1788)

Hume, David (1711-1776)

Treatise of Human Nature(1739)
Enquiry Concerning the Human Understanding(1748)
Enquiry Concerning the Principles of Morals (1751)
History of England (1778)
Essays Moral Political (1777)

LM “The Place of Liberty in David Hume’s Project” (January, 2018)
Kant, Immanuel (1724-1804)

Critique of Pure Reason (1781)
Groundwork of the Metaphysics of Morals (1785)
Critique of Practical Reason (1788)
Perpetual Peace (1795)
Metaphysics of Morals (1797)

Madison, James (1751-1836)

The Records of the Federal Convention of 1787
Montesquieu (1689-1755)

The Spirit of Laws (1748)
The Persian Letters (1721)
My Thoughts
LM: “Montesquieu on Liberty and Sumptuary Law” (Nov. 2015)
PP with Destutt de Tracy, A Commentary (1806)

Paine, Thomas (1737-1809)

Common Sense (1776)
The Rights of Man (1791)
The Age of Reason (1795)
PP with Burke, Reflections on the French Revolution (1790)
Rousseau, Jean-Jacques (1712-1778)

Discourse on Inequality (1754)
Emile (1762)
Social Contract (1762)
PP with Adam Smith, The Theory of Moral Sentiments (1759)
Shaftesbury, Earl of (1671-1713)

Characteristicks of Men, Manners, Opinions, Times (1711)
Smith, Adam (1723-1790)

Theory of Moral Sentiments (1759)
The Wealth of Nations (1776)

PP with Rousseau Discourse on the Origin and Basis of Inequality (1754) and Mun, England’s Treasure by Forraign Trade (1644)
Turgot (1727-1781)

Observations on the Importance of the American Revolution (1784)
Reflections on the Formation and the Distribution of Riches (1770)
Voltaire (1694-1778)

Philosophical Letters (1733)
Candide (1759)
Philosophical Dictionary (1764)
Toleration and Other Essays
Wollstonecraft, Mary (1741-1820)

A Vindication of the Rights of Men (1790)
A Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1792)
PP with Burke, Reflections on the French Revolution (1790)
Political Documents
Jefferson, Thomas (1743-1826)

Declaration of Independence (1776)
Rough Draft
Frohnen’s ed.

Key Documents of Liberty
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution
Hamilton, Alexander (1757-1804), James Madison (1751-1836), and John Jay (1745-1829)

The Federalist Papers (1787-88)
The Anti-Federalists

Pamphlets (1787-88)
United States Constitution (1787) and Amendments (1791)

1787: US Constitution
1791: US Bill of Rights (1st 10 Amendments)
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution
The Founders’ Constitution (2001)
Key Documents of Liberty

Nineteenth Century [other authors from this period]
Author Source Other Guides
Acton, Lord (1834-1902)

Acton-Creighton Correspondence (1887)
Inaugural Lecture on the Study of History (1895)
The History of Freedom and Other Essays (1907)
The History of Freedom in Antiquity
The History of Freedom in Christianity
The Massacre of St. Bartholomew
The Protestant Theory of Persecution
Bastiat, Frédéric (1801-1850)

Petition by the Manufacturers of Candles (1845)
The State (1848)
The Law (1850)
Economic Harmonies (1851) FEE ed.
LM: “Bastiat and Political Economy” (July 1, 2013)
PP with List, National System of Political Economy (1841) and Marx, The Communist Manifesto (1848)
Bentham, Jeremy (1748-1832)

Defence of Usury (1787)
An Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation (1823)
Plan of Parliamentary Reform (1817)
The Book of Fallacies (1824)
Constitutional Code (1827-30)
PP with Beccaria, An Essay on Crimes and Punishments (1764)
Böhm-Bawerk, Eugen von (1851-1914)

Capital and Interest (1884)
Karl Marx and the close of his system (1896)
LM: “Assessing Böhm-Bawerk’s Contribution to Economics after a Hundred Years” (April, 2015)
Burckhardt, Jacob (1818-1897)

Force and Freedom (1847)
Clausewitz, Carl von (1789-1831)

On War (1832)
Constant, Benjamin (1767-1830)

The Liberty of Ancients Compared with that of Moderns (1819)
Principles of Politics Applicable to a all Governments (1815)
LM: “Limited Government, Unlimited Liberalism. Or, How Benjamin Constant was a Kantian After All” (May, 2018)
Darwin, Charles (1809-1882)

The Origin of Species (1859)
Dicey, Albert Venn (1835-1922)

Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution (1885)
Lectures on the Relation between Law and Public Opinion in England (1905)
Emerson, Ralph Waldo (1803-1882)

Humboldt, Wilhelm von (1767-1835)

The Limits of State Action (1792)
Malthus, Thomas (1766-1823)

An Essay on the Principle of Population (6th ed. 1826)
PP with Godwin, Of Population (1820)
Marx, Karl (1818-1883)

Manifesto of the Communist Party (1848)
Capital, vol. 1 (1859)
LM: “Marx and the Morality of Capitalism” (October, 2018)
PP with Bastiat, The State (1848) and John Stuart Mill, Principles of Political Economy (1848)

Mill, James (1773-1836)

Government (1815)
Liberty of the Press (1825)
The State of the Nation (1835)
LM: “James Mill on Liberty and Governance” (Sept. 2014)
Mill, John Stuart (1806-1873)

Principles of Political Economy (1848)
On Liberty (1859)
Considerations on Representative Government (1861)
On the Subjection of Women (1869)
LM: “Reassessing the Political Economy of John Stuart Mill” (July 2015)
PP with Stephen, Liberty, Equality, Fraternity(1874) and Marx, Das Kapital vol. 1 (1867) and Herbert Spencer, Principles of Ethics (1879)

Say, Jean-Baptiste (1767-1832)

A Treatise on Political Economy (1803)
Shelley, Percy Bysshe (1792-1822)

A Philosophical View of Reform (1820)
Spencer, Herbert (1820-1903)

Social Statics (1851 \
The Principles of Sociology (1876)
The Principles of Ethics (1879)
The Man Versus the State (1884)
LM: “Herbert Spencer’s Sociology of the State” (November 2014)
PP with John Stuart Mill, Utilitarianism (1861)

Spooner, Lysander (1808-1887)

The Unconstitutionality of Slavery (1860)
No Treason I, II, IV (1867-70)
Vices are Not Crimes (1875)
A Letter to Grover Cleveland (1886)
LM: “The Significance of Lysander Spooner” (Jan. 2016)
Sumner, William Graham (1840-1910)

Folkways (1906)
The Forgotten Man (1883)
Protectionism (1885)
The Conquest of the United States by Spain (1898)
Democracy and Plutocracy (n.d.)
LM: “William Graham Sumner – Liberty’s Forgotten Man” (July 2017)
Tocqueville, Alexis de (1805-1859)

Democracy in America (1835)
The Old Regime and the Revolution (1856)
LM: “Tocqueville’s New Science of Politics Revisited” (May 2014)
Webster, Daniel (1782-1852)

Speech on the Draft (1814)

Twentieth Century [other authors from this period]
Author Source Other Guides
Buchanan, James M. (1919-2013)

The Calculus of Consent (1962)
The Limits of Liberty (1975)

LM: “James Buchanan: An Assessment” (March, 2013)
Hayek, Friedrich A. (1899-1992)

The Road to Serfdom (1944)
“The Use of Knowledge in Society” (1945)
The Constitution of Liberty (1960)
Law, Legislation and Liberty (1973)
LM: “Hayek’s Epistemic Liberalism” (September, 2017)
PP with Beveridge Report (1942)
Mises, Ludwig von (1881-1973)

Socialism (1922)
Liberalism (1927)
Human Action (1949)
LM: “Ludwig von Mises’s The Theory of Money and Credit at 101” (January, 2014)
LM: “The Misesian Paradox: Interventionism Is Not Sustainable” (March 2016)
PP with Lenin, The State and Revolution (1917) and Carl Schmitt on Dictatorship (1921)
Read, Leonard E. (1898-1983)

Government, an Ideal Concept (1954) FEE
I, Pencil (1958)
Röpke, Wilhelm von (1899-1966)

A Humane Economy (1960)

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