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About theartfuldilettante

The Artful Dilettante is a native of Pittsburgh, PA, and a graduate of Penn State University. He is a lover of liberty and a lifelong and passionate student of the same. He is voracious reader of books on the Enlightenment and the American colonial and revolutionary periods. He is a student of libertarian and Objectivist philosophies. He collects revolutionary war and period currency, books, and newspapers. He is married and the father of one teenage son. He is kind, witty, generous to a fault, and unjustifiably proud of himself. He is the life of the party and an unparalleled raconteur.

Henry Nowak and the savagery of state wokeness

The police’s vile treatment of young Henry exposes the cruelty and injustice of state ‘anti-racism’.

So this is where wokeness has dragged us. Into a moral abyss where a boy is handcuffed by cops as he bleeds to death. Into a wasteland of virtue where an 18-year-old lad, stabbed five times, is treated as a speechcriminal as he gasps his final breaths. Into a sorry, dystopic excuse for a society where the last words a youngster hears are the defamatory cries of the man who killed him. ‘He was racist’, his murderer said. ‘I can’t breathe’, the boy begged.

The case of Henry Nowak has shocked the nation. He was a Polish-Briton in his first year at university. During a night out in Southampton in England in December last year, he had a fatal encounter with a Sikh man named Vickrum Digwa. Some kind of altercation took place. Digwa then stabbed Nowak five times with his kirpan, the ceremonial curved sword that Sikhs carry. Nowak was gored in his chest, his face and his legs. He scrambled over a fence, leaving a blood trail in his wake. ‘I’m dying’, local residents heard him say. He was right.

As savage as the knifing was, it was what happened next that has shaken Britain’s soul. Digwa’s mother arrived and spirited away the murder weapon – it was later found hidden in the family home with 20 other Sikh swords and knives. Digwa then accused Nowak of having racially abused him. He said Nowak used a racist slur against him, punched him and knocked off his turban. These were ‘wicked lies’, the court heard during his murder trial. Yet there was a group of people on the scene of this atrocity who believed Digwa’s vile libels against the youth he had just fatally lacerated: the police.

The police’s behaviour that night defies all logic and humanity. They bowed to Digwa’s defamatory slurs and arrested and handcuffed young Henry. The Telegraph’s report captures the barbarism of the police’s credulous ineptitude that grim evening: ‘As the teenager lay there, unable to breathe as his lungs filled with blood, begging officers for help, they ignored his pleas and placed him under arrest. He died less than an hour later.’ If anything will cause decent Britons to lose faith in the police, it’s this: the haunting vision of a boy being manhandled by the state as he drowned in his own blood.

This week Digwa was found guilty of murder. His mother was found guilty of assisting an offender. And the police have apologised for the fact that Nowak was ‘arrested in the moments before he lost consciousness’. But this isn’t the end of this story. It can’t be. This cruellest of deaths, this humiliation by the state of a boy who was dying, will surely force a reckoning with the social poison of political correctness. For it exposes the extent to which the cult of wokeness has chased truth and virtue from our societies.

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We all know why Digwa’s evil lie was believed and why wounded, gasping Henry’s pleas for help went unheeded – it’s because the word ‘racism’ acts like a magic spell on our ruling class. It’s like a rhetorical narcotic. The minute they hear it, they morph, like woke Manchurian candidates, into wide-eyed searchers for the merest hint of that greatest sin in our morally deracinated times: white privilege, and prejudicial speech. Their aim becomes not the discovery of truth but the demonstration of virtue. On that street in Southampton, once the word ‘racism’ had been uttered, the role of the state’s representatives suddenly and radically changed: it was no longer to investigate a potential crime but to obsequiously act out a moral script.

Having prostrated themselves so fully before the new regime religion that falsely calls itself ‘anti-racism’, the police were virtually programmed to believe the ‘brown man’ and be sceptical of the ‘white man’. No doubt the critical race theory that pumps like a toxin in the veins of the establishment kicked in, meaning that the Sikh who had so ruthlessly wielded his sword instantly became the victim, while the target of his red-mist knifing – the white boy – became the oppressor. The state’s intoxication with the hyper-racialised politics of victimhood has driven it ever further into a quagmire of dogma where cool moral judgment is all but impossible.

RecommendedGet a spiked ‘10 years of Brexit’ pint glassspiked

It’s important to say that this handcuffing of a dying boy was not ‘a failing’ by individual police officers. The police forces of the United Kingdom are expressly instructed to believe, without question, every accusation of hate crime. They are told that even things perceived to be racist are probably racist. They are trained to see ‘racism’ everywhere – in every slight, in every tussle between whites and non-whites. The police’s cruel subduing of a stabbed teen was not an aberration – it was the horrific logical conclusion of the new ruling-class ideology that sees us less as citizens with rights than as racial creatures in need of micro-management. The demeaning of young Henry was the woke state in action.

The state turned a blind eye to the rape of vulnerable girls by mostly Muslim gangs out of a fear of being thought ‘Islamophobic’. The very same wilful blindness born of cowardice led those officers to see a stabbed boy as a tyrant and his stabber as a victim. The questions pile up. For how much longer can we suffer under such a two-tier ideology that allows Sikhs to do what the rest of us are forbidden from doing: carry lethal weapons? Why did Keir Starmer take the knee for George Floyd when he died 4,000 miles away but not for young Henry murdered and failed down in Southampton? And most pressingly, what are we going to do about a state that arrests a boy as he chokes on his own blood and as his killer gloats and maligns him? We have to do something.

Brendan O’Neill is spiked’s chief political writer and host of the spiked podcast, The Brendan O’Neill Show. Subscribe to the podcast here. His latest book – After the Pogrom: 7 October, Israel and the Crisis of Civilisation – is available to order on Amazon UK and Amazon US now. And find Brendan on Instagram: @burntoakboy.

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The police’s behaviour that night defies all logic and humanity. They bowed to Digwa’s defamatory slurs and arrested and handcuffed young Henry. The Telegraph’s report captures the barbarism of the police’s credulous ineptitude that grim evening: ‘As the teenager lay there, unable to breathe as his lungs filled with blood, begging officers for help, they ignored his pleas and placed him under arrest. He died less than an hour later.’ If anything will cause decent Britons to lose faith in the police, it’s this: the haunting vision of a boy being manhandled by the state as he drowned in his own blood.

This week Digwa was found guilty of murder. His mother was found guilty of assisting an offender. And the police have apologised for the fact that Nowak was ‘arrested in the moments before he lost consciousness’. But this isn’t the end of this story. It can’t be. This cruellest of deaths, this humiliation by the state of a boy who was dying, will surely force a reckoning with the social poison of political correctness. For it exposes the extent to which the cult of wokeness has chased truth and virtue from our societies.

Enjoying spiked?

Why not make an instant, one-off donation?

We are funded by you. Thank you!£5£10£20£50Choose an amount

We all know why Digwa’s evil lie was believed and why wounded, gasping Henry’s pleas for help went unheeded – it’s because the word ‘racism’ acts like a magic spell on our ruling class. It’s like a rhetorical narcotic. The minute they hear it, they morph, like woke Manchurian candidates, into wide-eyed searchers for the merest hint of that greatest sin in our morally deracinated times: white privilege, and prejudicial speech. Their aim becomes not the discovery of truth but the demonstration of virtue. On that street in Southampton, once the word ‘racism’ had been uttered, the role of the state’s representatives suddenly and radically changed: it was no longer to investigate a potential crime but to obsequiously act out a moral script.

Having prostrated themselves so fully before the new regime religion that falsely calls itself ‘anti-racism’, the police were virtually programmed to believe the ‘brown man’ and be sceptical of the ‘white man’. No doubt the critical race theory that pumps like a toxin in the veins of the establishment kicked in, meaning that the Sikh who had so ruthlessly wielded his sword instantly became the victim, while the target of his red-mist knifing – the white boy – became the oppressor. The state’s intoxication with the hyper-racialised politics of victimhood has driven it ever further into a quagmire of dogma where cool moral judgment is all but impossible.

RecommendedGet a spiked ‘10 years of Brexit’ pint glassspiked

It’s important to say that this handcuffing of a dying boy was not ‘a failing’ by individual police officers. The police forces of the United Kingdom are expressly instructed to believe, without question, every accusation of hate crime. They are told that even things perceived to be racist are probably racist. They are trained to see ‘racism’ everywhere – in every slight, in every tussle between whites and non-whites. The police’s cruel subduing of a stabbed teen was not an aberration – it was the horrific logical conclusion of the new ruling-class ideology that sees us less as citizens with rights than as racial creatures in need of micro-management. The demeaning of young Henry was the woke state in action.

The state turned a blind eye to the rape of vulnerable girls by mostly Muslim gangs out of a fear of being thought ‘Islamophobic’. The very same wilful blindness born of cowardice led those officers to see a stabbed boy as a tyrant and his stabber as a victim. The questions pile up. For how much longer can we suffer under such a two-tier ideology that allows Sikhs to do what the rest of us are forbidden from doing: carry lethal weapons? Why did Keir Starmer take the knee for George Floyd when he died 4,000 miles away but not for young Henry murdered and failed down in Southampton? And most pressingly, what are we going to do about a state that arrests a boy as he chokes on his own blood and as his killer gloats and maligns him? We have to do something.

Brendan O’Neill is spiked’s chief political writer and host of the spiked podcast, The Brendan O’Neill Show. Subscribe to the podcast here. His latest book – After the Pogrom: 7 October, Israel and the Crisis of Civilisation – is available to order on Amazon UK and Amazon US now. And find Brendan on Instagram: @burntoakboy.

spiked summit 2026

spiked summit 2026

One-Day Conference

10am-5pm, Saturday 27 June
Emmanuel Centre, London, SW1P 3DW

With Lionel Shriver, Brendan O’Neill, Katharine Birbalsingh, Toby Young, Allison Pearson, Paul Embery, Tom Slater, Andrew Doyle, Fiyaz Mughal and more

Become a spiked supporter to get a discounted ticket

£80 or £50 for supporters−+

Get your ticket

Support spiked and get unlimited access

spiked is funded by readers like you. Only 0.1% of regular readers currently support us. If just 1% did, we could grow our team and step up the fight for free speech and democracy.

Become a spiked supporter and enjoy unlimited, ad-free access, bonus content and exclusive events – while helping to keep independent journalism alive.

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We all know why Digwa’s evil lie was believed and why wounded, gasping Henry’s pleas for help went unheeded – it’s because the word ‘racism’ acts like a magic spell on our ruling class. It’s like a rhetorical narcotic. The minute they hear it, they morph, like woke Manchurian candidates, into wide-eyed searchers for the merest hint of that greatest sin in our morally deracinated times: white privilege, and prejudicial speech. Their aim becomes not the discovery of truth but the demonstration of virtue. On that street in Southampton, once the word ‘racism’ had been uttered, the role of the state’s representatives suddenly and radically changed: it was no longer to investigate a potential crime but to obsequiously act out a moral script.

Having prostrated themselves so fully before the new regime religion that falsely calls itself ‘anti-racism’, the police were virtually programmed to believe the ‘brown man’ and be sceptical of the ‘white man’. No doubt the critical race theory that pumps like a toxin in the veins of the establishment kicked in, meaning that the Sikh who had so ruthlessly wielded his sword instantly became the victim, while the target of his red-mist knifing – the white boy – became the oppressor. The state’s intoxication with the hyper-racialised politics of victimhood has driven it ever further into a quagmire of dogma where cool moral judgment is all but impossible.

It’s important to say that this handcuffing of a dying boy was not ‘a failing’ by individual police officers. The police forces of the United Kingdom are expressly instructed to believe, without question, every accusation of hate crime. They are told that even things perceived to be racist are probably racist. They are trained to see ‘racism’ everywhere – in every slight, in every tussle between whites and non-whites. The police’s cruel subduing of a stabbed teen was not an aberration – it was the horrific logical conclusion of the new ruling-class ideology that sees us less as citizens with rights than as racial creatures in need of micro-management. The demeaning of young Henry was the woke state in action.

The state turned a blind eye to the rape of vulnerable girls by mostly Muslim gangs out of a fear of being thought ‘Islamophobic’. The very same wilful blindness born of cowardice led those officers to see a stabbed boy as a tyrant and his stabber as a victim. The questions pile up. For how much longer can we suffer under such a two-tier ideology that allows Sikhs to do what the rest of us are forbidden from doing: carry lethal weapons? Why did Keir Starmer take the knee for George Floyd when he died 4,000 miles away but not for young Henry murdered and failed down in Southampton? And most pressingly, what are we going to do about a state that arrests a boy as he chokes on his own blood and as his killer gloats and maligns him? We have to do something.

Brendan O’Neill is spiked’s chief political writer and host of the spiked podcast, The Brendan O’Neill Show. Subscribe to the podcast here. His latest book – After the Pogrom: 7 October, Israel and the Crisis of Civilisation – is available to order on Amazon UK and Amazon US now. And find Brendan on Instagram: @burntoakboy.

spiked summit 2026

No ‘Autopsy’ Is Going To Fix The Democrat Party’s Raging Anti-Americanism

A real autopsy from the party would have concluded that voters rejected Democrats in the last election because of their anti-American policies.

It was the anticlimax of the year when last week Democratic National Committee Chairman Ken Martin finally released his party’s “autopsy” analyzing what led to its spectacular failure in 2024. It’s almost 200 pages long, but I’ll save you some time: There’s nothing in it about the Democrat Party’s fundamentally anti-American positions and therefore no indication that Democrats are interested in adapting to voters; rather, they’re still dead-set on physically eliminating their opposition.

The report’s debut was bad enough. It only came months and months after prominent Democrats, including Kamala Harris (haha), called for its release. Then, when Martin did push it out, he warned everyone in advance that it was worthless and proceeded to annotate it to hell and back so as to make it painfully clear that he was not a co-signer of the document. “This document reflects the views of the author, not the DNC,” reads the top of every single page of the report. “The DNC was not provided with the underlying sourcing, interviews, or supporting data for many of the assertions contained herein and therefore cannot independently verify the claims presented.”

To be fair to Martin and DNC leadership, it really is a woefully inadequate assessment of not just the 2024 election but the entire state of the Democrat Party. It spends most of its time chronicling results of past elections and contrasting Kamala’s performance with down-ballot candidates who were able to distinguish themselves from the party at large. The most useful portion comes on page 73, where the report suggests only a change in position would have blunted an attack from the Trump campaign.

Well, yeah, except Kamala did change her position on several key issues, including energy production, immigration, and health care. And she did it with little to no explanation at all. The problem wasn’t that she refused to morph into something she wasn’t. It was that her boss was a terrible president and as his vice president, she bore every bit of responsibility for it. Just because she might have said the opposite of what she had done right up until it was time to get elected didn’t mean voters would buy it.

It’s kind of perfect, though. There isn’t a single position Democrats have actually changed their stance on following that defeat. And to the extent that they’ve self-reflected, it’s only for them to say that there’s nothing wrong with the party, but that the problem is with voters who get their news from podcasts and who would like to hear less about transgenderism. That the DNC would then produce a report devoid of real criticism, but instead chock full of cliches (“We have to meet this moment with creativity, purpose, and openness”) is entirely in keeping with the Democrat Party’s refusal to acknowledge that its real problem is what animates it at its core — a burning resentment and hostility toward anyone who doesn’t want to destroy the American middle class.

They know that’s the gist of their platform, but of course they can’t put that in writing. So they do what they always do, which is talk instead about timing and messaging — anything but their monstrous policies.

Their plan isn’t to modulate or evolve. Their plan is to watch Trump and Republicans continue declining in popularity and run against that on its own. And then Democrats hope to take power and do exactly what they did during the Biden years, on a larger scale. That means legally harassing their political opposition, squeezing taxpayers — the middle class — of every cent possible (to give to foreigners), and allowing crime to run rampant, especially fraud.

A real autopsy from the party would have concluded that voters rejected Democrats in the last election because of their anti-American policies. They’re betting that it doesn’t matter going into the next one.

The Federalist

Trump’s Border Triumph

Trump’s Border Triumph

A recently revised estimate from the Congressional Budget Office finds 1.5 million fewer illegal immigrants in the country than would have been the case had Biden’s policies continued.

The establishment political consensus has long held that it’s impossible to rein in illegal immigration until Congress passes “comprehensive immigration reform.” The Congressional Budget Office has recently made clear that all it really takes is a president willing to enforce federal immigration laws, as he is constitutionally required to do.

The CBO recently revised its estimates concerning the number of illegal aliens entering or leaving the United States. More than a year ago, just before Inauguration Day, the CBO estimated that a net 1.1 million “other foreign nationals”—those lacking “a legal immigration status”—would be added to the U.S. population in 2025. Now the CBO has revised that estimate downward by a whopping 1.5 million illegal aliens—from an increase of 1.1 million to a decrease of 360,000. This downward revision of 1.5 million people is equivalent to the population of San Antonio.

What caused this “significant reduction?” The congressional scorekeeper’s answer is clear. The decline was “driven largely by administrative actions taken since January 20, 2025.” The CBO particularly emphasizes an action that President Donald Trump took on his first day in office: “Executive Order 14165 reinstated the policy of Migrant Protection Protocols, which require people who want to apply for asylum in the United States to return to the territory from which they came.” The CBO adds, “That order also ended all categorical parole programs and ceased the use of the CBP One app as a method of paroling or facilitating the entry of people into the United States.”

Under President Joe Biden, illegal aliens who “arrived between official ports of entry”—that is, along the open (southwestern) border—“were generally released into the United States,” writes the CBO. It adds, “People could also use the CBP One app to schedule an appointment at a port of entry” and then “be released into the United States.”

The Trump administration almost immediately stopped the Biden administration’s lawless practice of releasing illegal aliens into the U.S. interior. This accounts for the CBO estimate that 1.5 million fewer illegal aliens were living in the U.S. at the end of 2025 than would have been the case with a continuation of Biden’s policies. The 46th president’s “equity”-based policies brought about a border crisis by design.

While the mainstream press emphasizes ICE raids and deportations, the Trump administration’s removal of aliens from the U.S. interior accounted for less than one-tenth of the CBO’s downward revision in net illegal immigration—it estimates that 120,000 people were removed from the U.S. interior in 2025. Far from being driven by deportations, more than 90 percent of the Trump administration’s success in reducing illegal immigration has come from limiting border crossings, per the CBO’s figures.

The CBO estimates that 540,000 illegal aliens arrived along the open border in 2024, between the ports of entry, and were released into the U.S. by the Biden administration. In 2025, such releases dipped to 20,000—a 96 percent decrease. Similarly, 960,000 illegal aliens arrived at the ports of entry and were released into the U.S. in 2024, compared with only 60,000 in 2025—a 94 percent drop. (Many of those released under Trump were unaccompanied minors, required by law to be released to sponsor families.)

What’s more, only about half of the 2025 releases occurred from February through December. Most of the releases at the ports, and many of the releases along the open border, occurred in January, when Biden was still in office for most of the month. In fact, roughly the same number of illegal aliens were released into the country during three weeks of Biden as during 49 weeks of Trump.

In addition, the Trump administration dramatically cut the number of people who evaded capture and snuck across the border. The CBO estimates that about 300,000 people escaped across the border in this manner in 2024 but only about 50,000 did so in 2025—an 83 percent reduction. In a 2023 immigration case, U.S. District Court Judge T. Kent Wetherell said the Biden administration’s “actions were akin to posting a flashing ‘Come In, We’re Open’ sign on the southern border.” When the Trump administration effectively unplugged that sign, the number of people trying to sneak across the border dropped dramatically.

In all, the CBO estimates that about 80,000 people lacking “a legal immigration status” were released into the U.S. last year (roughly half of them during the 20 days of Biden), while 50,000 snuck across the border and 260,000 overstayed their visas. Meanwhile, 400,000 decided to leave voluntarily, 120,000 were removed from the interior of the U.S., and 225,000 attained permanent legal status. That amounts to a one-year reduction in the illegal alien population of about 360,000, whereas the CBO had previously projected an increase of about 1.1 million.

The CBO now projects that over the first three years of the Trump administration, the number of illegal aliens living in the U.S. will decrease by 1 million (with reductions of 360,000 in 2025, 330,000 in 2026, and 330,000 in 2027). Over the last three years of the Biden administration, the CBO estimates a 5.7 million increase (2 million in 2022, 2.4 million in 2023, and 1.3 million in 2024) in the number of illegal aliens living in the U.S. That 6.7 million swing—from 5.7 million to negative 1 million—exceeds the combined populations of Los Angeles and Phoenix. That’s the difference between three years of Biden’s policies versus three years of Trump’s, according to the CBO.

The success that the Trump administration has had in reversing the flow of illegal immigration—simply by enforcing existing laws—was broadly thought to be impossible. Less than a year before Trump took office, the Wall Street Journal editorial board wrote that “the President needs Congress to fix the underlying incentives at the border.” A few months later, the Biden White House issued a fact sheet that began, “Since his first day in office, President Biden has called on Congress to secure our border.” When asked about illegal immigration during a 60 Minutes interview in October 2024, Vice President Kamala Harris said that “we need Congress to be able to act to actually fix the problem.”

It turns out that fixing the problem required only executing the laws already on the books—specifically the law requiring that asylum-seekers be detained while their cases are heard, rather than being released into the interior of the country. The Immigration and Nationality Act declares that “if an alien asserts a credible fear of persecution, he or she shall be detained for further consideration of the application for asylum.” Supreme Court Justice Samuel Alito writes that these detention “requirements, as we have held, are mandatory.”

The foreign-born portion of the U.S. population rose from 4.7 percent in 1970 to 16.2 percent in 2023, and probably reached about 16.8 percent in 2024—easily breaking the previous all-time record of 14.8 percent set in 1890, at the height of the great waves of nineteenth-century immigration. It will take many years of enforcing existing immigration laws to see that percentage dip back down to something approaching historical norms. But as the CBO now acknowledges, the Trump administration is making significant headway—even if the congressional scorekeeper didn’t see it coming.

Jeffrey H. Anderson is president of the American Main Street Initiative and served as director of the Bureau of Justice Statistics at the U.S. Department of Justice from 2017 to 2021.

Pride celebrations struggle as corporate sponsorships dry up

PITTSBURGH, Pa. — Pride celebrations across the country continue to lose out on large sponsorships as corporations, a key source of funding, shrink their affiliation with diversity causes and LGBTQ+ events.

Corporate sponsorships of celebrations in several cities, including New York City, Salt Lake City, Louisville, St. Louis, Orlando, and Pittsburgh are down from previous years, organizers said.

Jordan Braxton, co-president of the United States Association of Prides, which supports Pride celebrations nationwide, said that while some smaller Prides have seen a growth in sponsorships, a majority have seen a reduction.

She said the Trump administration’s dismantling of Diversity, Equity and Inclusion initiatives, has scared corporations away from sponsoring Pride celebrations. “I think that’s why some of the corporations have pulled back, because they don’t want that government scrutiny,” she said.

In his first days in office in 2025, Trump issued presidential actions targeting DEI within the federal government and encouraging the private sector to end what the administration considers “illegal DEI discrimination and preferences.”

In Pittsburgh, Pride organizers are trying to make up for lost sponsorships in time for their festival and parade in early June.

“It takes a lot of money to do this,” said Dena Stanley, director of Pittsburgh Pride. “Permittings costs, security costs, headliners costs, staging costs, cleaning crew costs, insurance costs, all of these are expenses.”

Pittsburgh Pride organizers think it will secure 30-40% of the sponsorship dollars they were able to fundraise a few years ago.

To narrow the gap, the group said they received a state grant and solicited individual donations.

E Ciszek, who researches advertising and public relations at The University of Texas at Austin, said the downturn in corporate sponsorships is happening amid a movement against Diversity, Equity and Inclusion (DEI) initiatives and the “attack on trans rights, in particular.”

“I think this is not just a matter of budget cuts, right?” Ciszek said. “It’s important to take a step back and see this more as a moment of risk, a moment of political pressure, and looking really at the limits of corporate allyship, particularly when LGBTQ visibility has become really politically costly.”

Corporations, she said, are calculating the risk of public support for Pride, which could expose them to litigation, political retaliation or consumer boycotts.

“What once was [an] organizational asset, has now become an organizational risk,” Ciszek said.

Lyndsey Sickler, another Pittsburgh Pride organizer, described Pride celebrations as empowering for LGBTQ+ people who live in communities where they feel scrutinized for their identity.

For some people, it’s their first time being in, “a space that is actively, loudly celebrating everything that is us,” Sickler said. “Nothing else matters at that point.”

Less sponsorship money can also impact year-round events and resources for the LGBTQ+ community.

“People sometimes look at Pride festivals just as a big party, which they are, but they’re also resource fairs, job fairs, and we also use it as a fundraising event,” said Braxton of the United States Association of Prides.

In Florida, Tampa Pride announced a one-year hiatus after a slew of corporations dropped their sponsorships, said Carrie West, who ran the organization.

“All of a sudden, bingo. Here you have no money, no grant money, no supporting money, to make operations, to plan, to get any kind of anything,” he said. “Oh my gosh, it was, it’s devastating.”

NPR

Solidarity Center/Southern Poverty Law Center

The Solidarity Center has received over $86 million from the federal government since 2008; $61 million of that was given under President Biden. Three Solidarity employees joined Biden’s Labor Department. Solidarity receives 99 percent of its total revenue from American taxpayers and serves the AFL-CIO, which gave 86 percent of its 2024 political donations to Democrats.

On the climate front: Inflation Reduction Act funds set aside hundreds of billions for the green agenda. A former staffer from an environmental group called the Coalition for Green Capital joined the Biden EPA specifically to direct $27 billion in green funding. Under his tenure, $5 billion was granted to his former organization. Power Forward Communities received nearly $9 billion despite being only a few months old when it applied—and one recipient was a group affiliated with Stacey Abrams that had only $100 in the bank when it received $2 billion.

The Environmental Law Institute, which ran a “Climate Judiciary Project” to educate federal and state judges in favor of climate tort litigation against energy companies, received millions of dollars in grants and contracts from the EPA, the Departments of Justice, Homeland Security, Agriculture, and State, and the National Science Foundation between 2021 and 2024.

Regarding the SPLC specifically: Despite the SPLC reporting $132.7 million in revenue and nearly $770 million in net assets for 2021, the State Department still granted honorariums and speaker fees to SPLC officials. Additionally, a Biden-era Department of Labor approved a $6 million “employment training” grant for NextGen, a nonprofit that fights for “progressive policy change” through advocacy and civic engagement.

The SPLC itself is in the news for separate reasons: the Justice Department indicted the Southern Poverty Law Center on federal fraud charges, alleging it improperly raised millions of dollars to pay informants to infiltrate the Ku Klux Klan and other extremist groups.

The revolving door between these funded NGOs and Democratic administrations is a key part of the story. Personnel from Open Society Foundations and associated left-wing groups cycled in and out of the Biden White House, Justice Department, and other agencies—the same people who had previously shaped grantmaking priorities then directed government money toward aligned organizations.

In just the first month of the Trump administration, 15 groups that had received federal cash from the previous administration sued the current administration, mostly to protect their funding, which totaled $1.6 billion. This is the feedback loop in miniature: government grants activist groups → activist groups lobby for more government → activist groups litigate against anyone who tries to stop it.

Concluding Thoughts

Several converging factors explain the timing of the Treasury Department’s April announcement:

1. Congressional pressure has been building. Multiple House hearings over the past year—the DOGE Subcommittee hearing “Public Funds, Private Agendas: NGOs Gone Wild” and the Judiciary Subcommittee hearing “How Leftist Nonprofit Networks Exploit Federal Tax Dollars”—have built an extensive public record and created political momentum for regulatory action.

2. The rebrand attempt flagged the problem. Arabella’s restructuring into Sunflower Services and Vital Impact in late 2025 was widely seen as an attempt to launder its reputation and escape scrutiny. The Treasury announcement signals that rebranding won’t be sufficient.

3. Form 990 has a structural blind spot. As noted in the Treasury Department’s press release, Form 990 has no mechanism for disclosing fiscal sponsorship activities. This isn’t a bug in enforcement—it’s a gap in the regulatory framework itself, one that has been known and exploited for decades. Treasury is finally moving to close it through regulatory action rather than waiting for Congress to act legislatively.

4.The SPLC indictment and related scrutiny. The indictment of the SPLC, combined with sustained focus on the Tides Foundation’s role in funding anti-Israel groups, has elevated the broader question of nonprofit accountability in the current political moment.

5. The “revolving door” has been documented. The Biden years produced extensive documentation of personnel moving between the dark money network and government agencies, with the explicit effect of directing public funds toward aligned organizations. The Trump administration is using every available tool—executive, regulatory, and prosecutorial—to dismantle these arrangements.

The bottom line is pretty straightforward: for decades, a small number of sophisticated nonprofit aggregators have used fiscal sponsorship to create a system in which billions of dollars—from private megadonors, foreign nationals, and American taxpayers—flow to politically aligned left-wing activist organizations with direct ties to the Democrat Party with essentially no public accountability. The sponsored groups don’t file their own 990s.

The pass-through organizations don’t have to disclose which projects their money supports. And the whole system is perfectly legal under current IRS rules. The Treasury announcement is the first significant regulatory step toward forcing disclosure of these arrangements, and its timing reflects both the political will of the current administration and the groundwork laid by over a year of congressional investigation.

“Sunlight is the best disinfectant” for the body politic !

Socialism’s next test: swing states

In the crowded Democratic field running to replace Wisconsin Gov. Tony Evers, there’s a surprising frontrunner for a battleground state: a democratic-socialist line cook who has called to abolish the police.

Francesca Hong, a 37-year-old restaurant owner and single mother who became the state’s first Asian-American assembly member in 2021, has surged to the lead in several early polls after launching a long-shot bid on a deeply progressive platform

Hong is part of an array of lefty candidates with working-class credentials running in competitive states and districts up and down the ballot in this year’s midterm elections — a crop emboldened by the popularity of New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani and a turn toward economic populism amid widespread cost-of-living concerns.

Abdul El-Sayed is running from the left of Haley Stevens and Mallory McMorrow in the competitive Michigan Senate primary. Zach Wahls, who is backed by Elizabeth Warren, is locked in a tight contest against the Chuck Schumer-supported Josh Turek for Iowa’s Senate nomination. In Colorado’s 8th District, where Dems see a flip opportunity, Manny Rutinel is running against the more moderate Shannon Bird. And last month, Graham Platner got a boost when Schumer-endorsed Maine Gov. Janet Mills dropped out of the race to oust GOP Sen. Susan Collins.

Establishment Democrats worry that these figures — whose platforms play well among primary voters but could bite them in a general election — might spoil the midterms at a time when the party has the wind at its back, desperate to claw its way out of the wilderness and still weary of the “woke” allegations that Republicans effectively wielded against Kamala Harris. “If Democrats hope to beat Republican incumbents in red and purple districts, then they cannot run candidates who are far outside the mainstream of their district,” the center-left think tank Third Way wrote in a memo published last month.

Hong says the party establishment just lacks imagination.

“I think they’re underestimating voters,” Hong said in an interview. “I think that has always been a problem for the Democratic Party — that we are not listening to how they are feeling.”

Her platform includes free child care, a $20 minimum wage and a full moratorium on data center construction. She is an outspoken critic of the Israeli government and helped lead Wisconsin’s “uninstructed” pressure campaign on the Biden administration’s posture toward Gaza. She’s faced backlash for past calls to “abolish” the police. And she has suggested as governor she would call the state National Guard to arrest federal ICE agents.

But Hong doesn’t think her far-left politics would pose a risk in a general election. “The liability is having someone who is the establishment and wants to maintain the status quo,” she said

Wisconsin has a deep history of socialism, including three socialist mayors of Milwaukee between 1910 and 1960. The state boasts one of the Senate’s most conservative members, Sen. Ron Johnson, but also one of its most progressive, Sen. Tammy Baldwin. And progressive Democrats in Wisconsin are quick to point out that Sanders, the country’s democratic-socialist standard-bearer, won 71 out of Wisconsin’s 72 counties in 2016.

Hong isn’t just running on a different platform than her competitors — she is also running “the most non-traditional race,” said Gordon Hintz, who served in the Wisconsin state assembly with Hong when he was Democratic minority leader. While other candidates have been more reserved so far, Hong spent — and surged — early on to boost her name recognition. Hong’s campaign says it has about 3,000 active volunteers and has already organized 250 events across the state, with an additional 230 planned for the coming months.

“She has shown up, she’s the only candidate currently who has built any infrastructure down in Rock County,” said Jim White, who leads Rock County Democrats. “She’s the only person who has active canvassers, has people showing up at events, at meetings, she’s the only one who seems to have increasing infrastructure to do outreach to voters, and that’s been something that I think we’ve all really noticed.”

But it’s still an uphill battle for Hong — especially in the fundraising fight. Mandela Barnes, the former lieutenant governor and failed Senate nominee is polling in second place and has raised more than $2 million. Milwaukee County Executive David Crowley has brought in more than $850,000. Hong has raised about $635,000, according to Wisconsin campaign finance records.

Hong said she is focusing on turning one-time donors into recurring donors and has leaned on nontraditional fundraising tactics, like streaming. She has appeared with the progressive Twitch streamer Mike from PA and with Mercury Stardust, a TikToker with more than 2.6 million followers who describes herself as “The Trans Handy Ma’am.” Next month, Hong is planning to stream a DJ set and a cooking demo on Twitch, according to her campaign.

Both White and Hintz noted they still have not decided who they’ll vote for in the primary. But they both guessed part of Hong’s appeal to voters — particularly those who are young and politically disengaged — was because she is “fun.” Hong is, for example, known to host fundraisers at karaoke bars.

Her go-to song? “I Will Survive

Politico

Open interest collapses

China buys up the bullion, the relevance of paper markets on Comex (and London) is shrinking. Liquidity and relevance of paper gold and silver relative to bullion are diminishing.

This market report analyses why open interest on Comex has declined to multi-year lows and the consequences. Clearly, liquidity has been drained from western paper markets by the continual drift of bullion into firm Asian hands. We present evidence of the strains on market makers on Comex who have limited capital resources and we debate the consequences.

Open interest is now at multi-year lows

This week saw open interest in the Comex gold contract drop to under 350,000 contracts. This is the lowest it has been in at least thirteen years.

is the clearest indication of a near total absence of speculative interest on Comex, and because Comex arbitrages with London, it will be true of that market as well. This is even more remarkable given the price rise since 2023 would normally lead to greater speculative interest, but it has collapsed instead, particularly after December 2024.

We see the same trend in Comex’s silver contract, which is next:

Open interest is also the lowest for thirteen years by far, and its collapse is firmly tied to a silver price which rose sharply from mid-October last. This links the collapse in speculative interest to the extreme liquidity problem in London when silver’s lease rate rose to a stunning 40% on 9th October.

So, liquidity in futures and forwards is the problem. Higher prices must be stretching the position limits of market makers and bullion bank traders, collectively the swaps category on Comex, which traditionally takes the short side. This is evidenced in our next chart of the dollar-value of the swap category’s shorts:

For many years, this category contained its collective shorts to less than $30 billion shown by the lower pecked line. That then doubled to about $60 billion and today having peaked at double that again, the current price consolidation coupled with a drop in open interest still has it at an uncomfortable $90 billion. Average individual swap short exposure is $3.75 billion having been close to $5bn when gold peaked.

Besides the obvious strain on capital resources and the increase in systemic risk, we arrive at an important conclusion: London and New York lack the capacity to deal with higher bullion prices. In other words, as a means of diverting gold and silver demand into paper contracts and thereby containing prices, after decades of success it is now failing.

The reason is that demand for physical liquidity is now driving prices. This is the consequence of Asian selling of dollars for gold. It is reflected in Comex warehouse statistics for gold and silver which continue to be drained despite the fall in prices over the last four months. These are illustrated next:

As well as continuing demand for gold from central banks, China’s commercial banks are big buyers. They offer their customers gold accumulation accounts, which they have been forced to suspend or restrict due to lack of available bullion. They have used a falling price in the London and New York as an opportunity to replenish their stocks.

But only yesterday, it was announced that the facility was becoming available again. This was from a Chinese newspaper:

Meanwhile spot prices in London have failed to properly reflect demand for bullion, being essentially a “local” price — local that is to western capital markets. A similar situation is seen in oil, where Asian prices on the ground are significantly higher than US and European prices. Gold and silver are not the only markets bifurcating both regionally and between paper contracts and physical reality.

In London and Comex, gold and silver prices reflect a short-termism which denies actual consequences. Oil prices rise, and gold and silver get marked down. Bond yields rise, and gold and silver get marked down. In Asia the view is diametrically opposed. Oil prices rise and the dollar’s value is threatened. Bond yields rise because the dollar’s purchasing power is falling.

All reasons in Asia to sell the dollar for gold. A consequence is that when speculative interest returns to western capital markets, the lack of liquidity can be expected to see gold and silver prices squeezed significantly higher than their end-January peaks. That in itself will raise awkward questions over the future of the fiat dollar.

The New York Post Editorial Board

Nearly 25,000 immigration arrests made in Florida

Since Florida launched its immigration enforcement effort, Operation Tidal Wave, in February, nearly 25,000 arrests have been made statewide.

“Florida will continue to use every available resource to identify dangerous individuals, support federal immigration enforcement and keep our citizens safe,” Gov. Ron DeSantis said. “No state has moved faster or done more to combat illegal immigration than Florida, and we will continue to lead the charge in protecting our communities.”

Operation Tidal Wave was launched as Florida leads the country with the most 287(g) U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agreements of any state, The Center Square reported. The program is named after a section of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1996 and authorizes ICE to delegate to state and local law enforcement officers the authority to perform specified immigration functions under its supervision.

The Trump administration expanded the program to include three models: the Jail Enforcement Model (JEM), Task Force Model (TFM) and Warrant Service Officer (WSO) model, The Center Square reported. Florida is the only state to have all of its sheriffs participating in 287(g), with most participating in the TFM and or all three models. Nearly 200 police departments, 12 state agencies and 15 state universities and colleges, as well as county commissioner detention facilities and correctional facilities, are participating in 287(g). No other state has as many agencies participating in 287(g), and primarily in the TFM, as Florida does, according to ICE data.

During the first week of Operation Tidal Wave, Florida law enforcement arrested more than 1,100 criminal illegal foreign nationals, a record for Florida. The only state with more arrests in a single week is in Texas, where Gov. Greg Abbott’s Operation Lone Star is underway. While these arrests are not solely through 287(g) partnerships, Texas law enforcement through OLS have made more than half a million arrests over the last five years, The Center Square reported. OLS is ongoing.

Key 287(g) partnership arrests were made in Florida through three recent multi-agency immigration enforcement operations: Operation Sandhill Sentinel, Operation LOCATE and Operation Criminal Return.

In south Florida, Operation Sandhill Sentinel led to the arrest of 250 illegal foreign nationals, including those with extensive criminal histories ranging from domestic violence to drug offenses, DUI and assault, among other violent crimes. Those arrested also had final orders of removal and repeat immigration violations, ICE found.

The Florida Highway Patrol (FDLE), Broward Sheriff’s Office, ICE, U.S. Border Patrol, Homeland Security Investigations, Florida National Guard and Florida State Guard were involved in the operation.

Another key arrest earlier this month was of a Honduran national and known MS-13 gang member illegally residing in Palm Beach County. A multi-agency operation led to the arrest of Luis Merary Peralta-Sevilla, who illegally entered the country in 2013 in Texas. He was never deported until the second Trump administration, which also designated MS-13 as a foreign terrorist organization. MS-13 members are also being prosecuted nationwide.

In Operation Criminal Return, FDLE and ICE sought to identify criminal foreign nationals who are registered sex offenders and sexual predators. In a 10-day targeted operation they arrested 230 people statewide, including sexual predators and sex offenders, convicted felons, a convicted drug trafficker, and convicted murderers, according to FDLE and ICE.

In Operation LOCATE, the FDLE partnered with Homeland Security in an intelligence-led initiative focused on identifying and locating unaccompanied alien children (UACs).

They located more than 400 UACs statewide and outside of Florida, verifying their safety and living conditions “while uncovering cases involving trafficking concerns, missing children, and other high-risk situations,” the governor’s office said.

UACs are foreign national children under age 18 who arrive in the U.S. without their parents or family members. They are primarily smuggled into the country and once in the U.S., the federal government doesn’t deport them but sends them to live with so-called sponsors. Florida has historically received the most UACs behind Texas and California, The Center Square reported.

As the border crisis worsened under the Biden administration, sponsors in 29 counties in Florida received more than 10,000 UACs, The Center Square reported.

In response to reports of abuse and neglect of UACs in Florida, DeSantis called for a state grand jury to launch an investigation. It found “horrible atrocities inflicted on immigrant children in Florida” including allegations of human trafficking and child abuse. It also found that the federal government lost track of more than 20,000 children in Florida and performed no background checks on the sponsors the UACs were sent to, among other issues, The Center Square reported.

Last year, the Trump administration launched an initiative to conduct welfare checks on UACs after President Donald Trump’s border czar Tom Homan said more than 350,000 UACs were unaccounted for.

Just the News

A Lebanese Christian fled from Hezbollah – and found refuge in Israel

“G” was born into a Maronite Christian family in southern Lebanon, part of a community that traces its roots to the ancient Phoenicians. His early childhood unfolded in a quiet Christian village just 15 kilometers from the Israeli border, surrounded by rolling hills, farmland, and deeply rooted family traditions. Like many Lebanese Christians in southern Lebanon, his family lived modestly, valuing faith, community, and inner peace in a region increasingly consumed by conflict.

While Lebanon was embattled in a civil war from 1975-1990, and the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982 to drive out the PLO had left its scars, “G” remembers a childhood centered around family. There were visits to grandparents, swimming in the Litani River, and helping his grandfather work the land. His memories are not political at first; they are human. Lebanon, in his mind, was once a place of warmth and beauty – a country his family deeply loved and considered worth fighting for.

But southern Lebanon during “G’s” childhood was also shaped by external forces far beyond village life from before he was born.

Lebanon’s descent into chaos began after the arrival of Palestinian Arab terrorists expelled from Jordan following Black September in 1970. The country, once celebrated as the “Paris of the Middle East,” increasingly became a battleground. Militias formed, sectarian tensions exploded, and civil war engulfed Lebanon from 1975 onward.

For many Christians in southern Lebanon, the war was not ideological but existential. Their villages became trapped between PLO terrorists, regional powers, and the growing influence of armed Islamist groups. “G’s” community viewed itself as caught in a struggle it never chose.

Eventually, local Christian militias aligned with Israel in what became the South Lebanon Army (SLA), fighting alongside the Israeli military against militant organizations operating in the south. Then came Hezbollah.

Founded in the early 1980s with Iranian backing, Hezbollah emerged as one of the dominant armed forces in Lebanon. To many Lebanese Christians in the south, Hezbollah represented not liberation but another wave of control and intimidation. “G” grew up hearing how SLA fighters and Christian families became targets. Hezbollah’s rise fundamentally altered life in southern Lebanon, creating fear among those who opposed its ideology or cooperation with Israel.

Exile from a homeland in collapse

On May 24, 2000, when Israel abruptly withdrew from the Security Zone in southern Lebanon, everything changed overnight for “G’s” family.

He was only six years old when his father entered the house and told the family to pack immediately. Within moments, “G,” his four brothers, and his parents were in a car heading south with only a few bags and mattresses strapped to the roof. Confused and frightened, they joined thousands fleeing toward the border fence as Hezbollah forces rapidly advanced into former SLA-controlled areas.

The scene at the border remains etched in “G’s” memory: panic, uncertainty, and a feeling of abandonment. Despite SLA fighting alongside Israel, the hasty evacuation felt ill-planned and mired in bureaucracy that initially left the SLA families stuck between the advancing Shi’ite terrorists and the Israeli border they sought to cross.

Given the years of fighting terrorists side by side, it was not Israel’s finest moment as its SLA allies – who fought risking their lives for their country – feared for their lives by staying in the country. As Hezbollah pursued retreating families toward the border, for two days many waited before Israel finally allowed them entry under international pressure. In a single moment, they became refugees. But they were alive.

Arrival in Israel did not bring immediate belonging. “G’s” family, like thousands of others connected to the SLA, was first housed in military bases before being relocated to northern Israel. Their status was complicated. In Lebanon, they were labeled traitors for collaborating with Israel. Among some Arab Israelis, they were viewed with suspicion. Among many Israeli Jews, they were simply seen as Arabs with no awareness of being allies.

For a six-year-old child, those labels became wounds. “G” entered second grade in a Jewish school without understanding Hebrew. He sat through lessons staring silently at the walls, unable to follow the teacher. At recess, he hid his Lebanese identity. He was ashamed to take out the laffa with labaneh his mother packed for lunch because he feared ridicule. His struggle to fit in was more complicated than merely being an immigrant. Instead, he threw the sandwiches away.

Children in the neighborhood bullied him and called him “Arab,” a term he had come to associate with accusation and hostility. The irony was painful: His family had fled Lebanon because of Hezbollah and militant violence, yet in Israel he often felt reduced to the same stereotypes associated with the enemies his family had fought against.

The psychological toll ran deep. “G” remembers being embarrassed when his parents spoke Arabic in public. He felt caught between worlds – neither fully Lebanese anymore nor fully Israeli. Even as a child, he carried the burden of explaining a story nobody around him seemed to understand.

Yet, over time, survival transformed into adaptation. Social integration came slowly. “G” eventually connected with other marginalized children and learned how to build friendships despite cultural barriers. That ability to connect with people, he says, became one of the defining traits of his life. Gradually, he embraced both his Lebanese heritage and his new Israeli reality.

Religion presented another challenge. As a Christian in a predominantly Jewish environment, maintaining faith required effort and improvisation. There were few churches nearby and no stable clergy for the displaced community at first. Religious milestones were delayed, traditions fragmented. “G” underwent an important Christian coming-of-age ceremony years later than expected because there was no organized community structure initially in place.

Despite the hardships, “G’s” story is ultimately not one of victimhood but transformation. He slowly reclaimed pride in his identity. The food he once hid became a symbol of acceptance. He began researching the history of Lebanese Christians, the SLA, and the complex relationship between Lebanon and Israel. The shame he once carried evolved into purpose. Pride.

At the center of his journey lies a deeper understanding of displacement. Hezbollah’s rise had uprooted his family from Lebanon, but the shadow of that conflict followed them into Israel as well. Rockets from Lebanon, border tensions, and recurring wars constantly reminded northern Israeli communities – including displaced Lebanese Christians – that the conflict was never truly over.

“G” grew up living on both sides of that trauma: first as a child fleeing Hezbollah’s dominance in Lebanon, and later as a resident of northern Israel living under the continuing threat emanating from the Lebanese border.

Yet instead of embracing bitterness, he chose dialogue, resilience, and bridge-building. His childhood became a lesson in identity, perseverance, and the painful complexity of belonging between two nations still divided by war.■

Jerusalem Post

Elon finally did it.

A new Texas law allows companies with SAE Level 4 or higher autonomous vehicles to offer commercial driverless transportation.

Tesla wasted no time in self-certifying their vehicles. On the same day the law went into effect, Tesla officially self-certified their FSD software on their robotaxi vehicles as Level 4 compliant.

For years, Tesla’s Autopilot and FSD software, even in Texas, has navigated the consumer market under the constraints imposed by a Level 2 driver-assist system. And while Tesla now operates in Texas as a level-4 system, this does not change the level-2 designation for consumer vehicles. Taking Responsibility

While many of Tesla’s robotaxi rides in Austin were already driverless, there’s an important distinction in level 4 autonomy.

By certifying its software as Level 4 for commercial operations, Tesla is willfully absorbing a substantial portion of the operational liability. It’s legally stating that its vehicles can operate themselves without any human supervision or intervention under certain conditions.

These conditions are typically based on weather, region (geofense), or speed.

This willingness to take on legal accountability is a major turning point for Tesla, as it is the first time the company has been certified as a level 4 system.

SAE International defines a Level-4 autonomous vehicle as:

Entire dynamic driving task (DDT): The system does all steering, braking, accelerating, lane changes, signaling, and monitoring of the driving environment.

Dynamic driving task fallback: If something goes wrong (sensor failure, road closure, etc.), the system itself must handle the situation and achieve a safe outcome. It cannot depend on a human taking over.

Operational Design Domain (ODD): The specific conditions under which the system is designed to operate (certain roads, cities, weather conditions, speeds, etc.).

Consumer Vehicles Still Level 2

This new ruling for Tesla only covers its Robotaxi vehicles. Regular consumer cars, although they use a similar FSD version, are still considered Level 2 by law, and drivers will be fully held responsible.

Vehicles in Austin have advantages over consumer vehicles, even when they run the same FSD software. In addition to being geofenced, these areas have also received additional FSD training, which has improved FSD performance.

Tesla also offers remote assistance to help these vehicles when they encounter situations where their confidence threshold is low.

Ultimately, this is another milestone for Tesla and its Robotaxi network, but it won’t affect consumer vehicles, at least not yet.