Critical Race Theory: The Freakout of Cultural Totalitarians is Revealing

You can always tell when the cultural totalitarians are frightened: They accuse dissenters of their own sins. According to Mark Levin, they’re now calling opponents of Critical Race Theory “tribalists”. You read that correctly. The people who claim that your moral worth is determined by your race, and the people who insist that race is the most important attribute of a person’s character, are calling opponents of their theory TRIBALISTS. It doesn’t take Einstein, or even Kamala Harris, to understand that THEY are the tribalists. The OPPOSITE of critical race theory is INDIVIDUALISM. We live in such morally inverted and logically upside down times that the racists are calling the individualists “tribalists”. Amazing.

Michael J. Hurd, Daily Dose of Reason

The University Dilemma

American universities have become completely leftist in outlook, something that is depriving students of both knowledge and wisdom. Moreover, they intend to stay that way, as demonstrated by a single question they ask applicants seeking teaching positions, a question that will stop the process dead in its tracks when the applicant is a conservative.

In 2006, I moved to Europe to become a university lecturer. I was one of three co-founders and the chair of the art department at a school for game developers in the Netherlands. In that role, I hired and supervised our teachers, developed the curriculum, helped promote the school publicly, and most importantly, taught a lot of classes (computer graphics, anatomy, and research writing, among others).

My first rule was “never lie to the students.” This rule had four practical components:

(1) The curriculum had to be practical in the context of helping the students become working professionals.

(2) Teachers would never pretend to know something they didn’t.

(3) Teachers would grade without bias (positive or negative).

(4) Any failures or omissions would be corrected as soon as they were discovered.

The school did well. We quickly earned many awards, international recognition, and our graduates went on to work in good positions at prominent companies around the world.

Alongside my teaching duties, I earned a Ph.D. in Education at King’s College, London. Shortly after the viva (i.e., oral) exam for my doctorate, my wife prevailed upon me to return to the United States so that she could care for her elderly mother. With Ph.D. in hand and twelve years of teaching experience at a successful academy I co-founded, I assumed it would be an easy matter to secure another teaching position in America. However, I am a conservative, and that changes things considerably.

It is difficult to understate how important a university education is, not only for the knowledge and skills it can impart but for the danger it presents if that education is corrupted. Corruption can take many forms, but the most prevalent danger today is socialism. Citizens of socialist countries have all suffered from their education systems’ malevolent embrace of curricula designed to indoctrinate their subjects rather than educate them.

Why go to the trouble and expense of imprisoning your labor-ready workforce in re-education camps when you can get what you want by indoctrinating them as children instead? Doing so avoids the negative image associated with torturing your own citizens, and the “education” takes place before your citizens’ peak labor years arrive. It is a win-win situation for leaders who see their people as slave labor. Unfortunately, leftist Americans in academia have learned from this example and created similar education systems here.

The message I recall from my early school years in the 1970s was that science has proven atheism superior to any form of theistic belief. At the time, anti-American messages had only just begun and were primitive in form. The Vietnam War was a terrible mistake, I was told, but America was good before that.

One thing I didn’t notice was that by taking God out of the equation and substituting “science” in His place, every subject could be rewritten so long as a “scientific” argument could be made to support it. The good news for communists is that there is always enough disagreement among academics to find something that served their ends.

Today, schools at all levels have been saturated with socialist, atheist, and anti-scientific ideas. The entire Caucasian race, according to Critical Race Theory, is somehow guilty of racism. According to the 1619 Project, America is founded on slavery. Boys can be girls, girls can be boys, and boys can compete against girls in sports without undermining women’s rights, all thanks to the LGBTQ agenda. There are no shortages of strange examples.

The unproven Theory of Evolution, despite its scientific underpinnings being open to challenge, is taught as fact. Abortion is described as a trivial “women’s health” issue. Casual sex is encouraged but reproduction is not. The failed doctrines of communism and fascism are used to encourage criminal behavior among students in the name of the oxymoronic “peaceful protest.” America’s university environment in 2021 is unrecognizable to people from my generation and earlier, who will remember at least some efforts to educate rather than indoctrinate.

This was the environment I encountered when I started looking for a university position in New York. I wish I could give a detailed report about the many ways conservative teachers are kept out of universities but I actually never went through the whole process. Instead, the schools to which I planned to apply managed to stop my applications before I finished writing them.

After filling in basic personal information, each school had a simple but elegant “no conservatives allowed” message. The details of the messages varied from school to school but they all amounted to the same thing: a loyalty pledge to the LGBTQ movement. Applicants were required either to write a statement attesting to their support of the LGBTQ agenda or sign a similar statement loaded with legal language that the university provided.

The document is a trap for conservatives. Once signed, it gives universities an easy method to fire anyone who transgresses, even unintentionally.

In the Netherlands, shortly before I resigned to return to America, one of the teachers mentioned to me and another teacher that he had just received a directive that we had to refer to students with pronouns that matched their preferences. Within thirty minutes, I saw him refer to a boy in a dress as “he” twice, and then hurriedly “correct” himself to saying “her.” If a person who wants to follow the policy can make that mistake, imagine how difficult it would be for someone who objects.

What schools have accomplished with this simple tactic is to remove many conservatives from consideration for teaching jobs. Why should conservatives apply for a job they are unlikely to secure and from which they’re highly likely to be fired once their beliefs are known? Instead, they find some other way to make a living.

It is a shame because the students of America deserve better. However, the teachers of America deserve better protection before they can safely endeavor to correct the course of American education.

Andrew Paquette, American Thinker

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Paying People Not to Work: Labor Shortage Is a Government-Contrived Scarcity

To use Keynesian terms, employment in the United States is not suffering from an “aggregate demand” failure. There are plenty of job openings; it is a failure of a good number of employable people not being interested in filling the slots employers would like to fill. Why?

Not long ago, my wife and I decided to go out to our favorite Thai restaurant not far from our home in the Charleston, South Carolina area, which we had not been to for well over a year. With so many retail businesses having returned to a no-mask, no-distancing “normality,” we were looking forward to a tasty inside, sit-down meal. But when we arrived we discovered they were still only doing takeout orders because the management had not been able to find enough willing waiters to rehire. America is suffering from an apparent “labor shortage,” in spite of unemployment levels being significantly above what they were before the government-imposed lockdowns and stay-at-home orders in early 2020.

Before these shutdown orders and restrictions on freedom of shopping were imposed by, especially, the state governments and reinforced by federal policies in March of last year, the economy-wide average unemployment rate hit a low of about 3.5 percent of the labor force in February 2020, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS), something not experienced for several decades. Plus, this unemployment low had its counterpart under the subgroups of men and women, whites and blacks and Hispanics, and for adults and youths. Indeed, if the coronavirus crisis had not occurred with the accompanying government-created collapse of much of the economy, 2020 might have turned out to be an exceptionally good year in terms of many of the standard economic benchmarks.

The BLS June 2021 report on “The Employment Situation” for the month of May showed that the overall unemployment rate stood at 5.8 percent of the labor force, or still about 35 percent higher than in February 2020. And, comparably, each subgroup remains noticeably above their, respective, unemployment rates of 15 months ago.

At the same time, the BLS’s June 2021 report on “Job Openings and Labor Turnover” stated that at the end of April, job openings for which employers were willing and able to hire stood at 9.3 million positions. But hires to fill employment slots in April totaled 6.1 million. The number of people quitting or not willing to accept work increased, especially in the food service and retail sectors, while the number of workers let go or laid off remained low.

Unemployment Due to Government Paying People Not to Work

Clearly, to use Keynesian terms, employment in the United States is not suffering from an “aggregate demand” failure. There are plenty of job openings; it is a failure of a good number of employable people not being interested in filling the slots employers would like to fill. Why?

A number of commentators have suggested that many are still concerned about and fearful of returning to the workplace due to the potential of still catching the coronavirus and the risk of serious illness or death. Some have argued it’s because employers are too cheap; that is, they are unwilling to pay a wage high enough to draw unemployed workers back into the active labor force. The problem with this latter explanation is that it does not make clear why wage “x” at which some of these workers were willingly employed 15 months ago is now unacceptable just a little bit more than a year later, given the lost income experienced during all that time.

However, suppose that before the coronavirus lockdowns and lost employment, a low-skilled employee was making, say, $500 a week. But now let us suppose that during the last 15 months, due to extended unemployment insurance payments and supplementary federal emergency transfers introduced during the coronavirus crisis, this person was continuing to have a government-supplied weekly income of $500, or maybe even more, say, $600. For as long as this continues, what is the incentive for him to return to the workplace for the previous salary when, instead, this individual can stay at home and be no worse or maybe even better off than working his old 40-hour week as before March of 2020?

A few weeks ago, the Foundation for Government Accountability (FGA) issued a report based on work and wages versus government income-transfer programs (state unemployment insurance, supplemental federal emergency insurance bonus, child care credits, earned income tax credit, and food stamps) in, for instance, the state of Florida. A person could receive up to the equivalent of a $20-an-hour wage by staying home rather than accepting available employment.

Government Created Artificial Benefits to Not Take a Job

This, obviously, has nothing to do with a “failure of the market” in not providing jobs or from employer stinginess in the salary being offered. Government redistributive benefits have priced some workers out of the labor market by giving them more received income by not working than from accepting the employment available at more market-based wages reflecting employer estimates of those workers’ value-added contribution in various lines of production, including in the service industry.

What has been created by these government programs is a false “opportunity cost” for those in these labor categories in terms of their trade-off between work and non-work. I say “false” due to the fact that if these redistributive programs were not present, lower-skilled workers would have to weigh differently the income forgone by not accepting gainful employment versus perhaps not earning anything. Instead, for as long as these types of programs are in effect, they, basically, establish a “floor” below which more is lost by working than taking a job.

Even if the government transfers are slightly less than the salary that would be received from working, the trade-off can still be in favor of not taking a job. Suppose someone could earn a weekly salary of that $500 versus unemployment insurance plus some of these other government redistributions that give him the equivalent of, say, $475 or $450 per week. Would it always be in every such worker’s personal interest to give up the $475 or $450 of government-supplied income to, instead, work 40 hours a week to make an extra $25 or $50 for that total of $500 of earned weekly income? Surely, for most people an extra $25 or $50 a week would not be worth foregoing the 40 hours of free time the government money enables him to enjoy.

Limited Means to Serve Our Many Ends Require Trade-Offs

We can see, therefore, that the current “shortage” of labor is, in fact, “contrived” and not “natural.” I am using this particular terminological distinction because the cause and nature of market-based scarcity versus government-created scarcity was explained with great cogency a long time ago by the British economist, William H. Hutt (1899-1988) in a neglected essay of his on “Natural and Contrived Scarcities” (South African Journal of Economics, September 1935). (See my article, “William H. Hutt: A Centenary Appreciation”.)

Hutt reminded us that man cannot escape from the fact that he is always confronted with the need and necessity to make choices, to accept trade-offs between alternatives, and decide what he values more highly and what he values less highly. The inescapable reason for this is the scarcity of means available in their quantities and/or qualities to serve and satisfy fully all the ends, goals and purposes for which we would like to apply them.

Our time is scarce, with only twenty-four hours in a day. Our mental and physical strength is limited with which to pursue our purposes. The resources and raw materials around us that we identify as “useful things” to make the finished goods and services that we desire are limited in their amounts to produce all the consumer items for which we think them usable.

In the free market economy, the relative scarcities of both finished consumer goods and the resources, labor and capital equipment out of which those consumer goods can be made are all registered in the form of the competitive prices at which they may be bought and sold.

If we, as consumers, demand more automobiles we may offer to pay higher prices for the greater number of cars we wish to purchase. But to produce more automobiles off the assembly line means that fewer of the scarce resources that go into the manufacture of cars – workers and their labor time, resources, raw materials, component parts, and the machinery needed – will now be available to produce other, alternative goods that could have been produced with those same means of production, instead.

The prices paid to attract those greater quantities of scarce means into the auto industry (including the additional wages to draw more workers into this sector of the market) are what economists call their “opportunity costs.” That is, the prices that need to be offered and paid that are just sufficient to attract them from an alternative employment in which they also have value in producing something else that consumers also want, but not as intensely.

This is the reality of a world in which we are not able to have everything we want, where we want it, in the full amounts we desire. This is why, no matter how hard we try, we can never “have it all.” Trade-offs are an inescapable part of virtually every aspect of our life.

Even when through savings, investment, innovation, and industry we succeed over time in increasing our ability to produce more of the things we wish to have, we still never have it all. It is part of the human make-up that as soon as we have successfully reached some desired goals our mind and imagination run ahead to new and different things that are, once again, not fully within our reach.

It is like walking towards the horizon; no matter how far we go and how fast we try to get there, the horizon remains in front of us, and out of our reach. This is man’s frustration but also the stimulus for all the material and cultural achievements that we call “civilization,” which have raised humanity up from primitive subsistence existence. (See my articles, “Preserved Primitivism versus Freedom and Prosperity” and “Has Modernity Made Us Indecent?”)

The “Natural Scarcity” of Limited Means is Inescapable

In the competitive free market, the limits on how much of goods in general and the relative amounts of each within that total is possible of being produced is limited and constrained by what William H. Hutt defined as the “natural scarcities” existing in any society within any period of time. Said Hutt:

We must conceive of a society in which there are no restrictions on the free movement, adjustment and full utilization of the productive resources in response to the dictates of consumers’ will [as expressed in their market demands for various goods and services].

Under the “natural scarcity” of things in a free market, some people may wish that more hospitals were built for the sick or more research undertaken for a cure for cancer, or more wildlife areas set aside for peaceful contemplation of the beauty of nature. But the critic has no one to blame but the free choices of his fellow citizens and even himself in actually demanding more of other things in the marketplace that prevents the necessary scarce resources and labor from being available to do more of these other desired things as well. Our own market choices and demands, and that of all of our fellow consumers in society, determine what goods will be profitable to manufacture with what combination of those “naturally” scarce resources, and, therefore, available in which relative quantities in their finished forms as purchasable goods and services.

“Contrived Scarcities” and “Contrived Plentitudes” Caused by Government

However, the critic may not be satisfied with his own failed attempts to persuade enough of his fellow citizens to demand and spend less on these other things so more scarce resources can be freed up and used for more hospitals, medical research, and nature preserves. He may then turn to the government and its political power to get what he wants without the agreement and voluntary participation of his “preference-misguided” fellows in society.

Hutt argued that when various individuals and special interest groups turn to the State to get what they want it brings about what he called “contrived scarcities” and “contrived plenitudes.” If the government increases taxes on the citizenry to fund the supplying of more hospitals, cancer research and wildlife areas, it creates a “contrived plenitude.” That is, an amount of these things is supplied in excess of what the market would have found profitable to supply if production had been guided by what consumers would have wanted and demanded if more of their earned income had remained in their own pockets and not been taxed away.

The amount of such “good things” as hospitals, medical research facilities, and nature areas are, in fact, out of balance – over supplied – with what a free market would have supplied of them if the determination of production in society had been left more fully to be guided by the wishes and desires of the income-earning consumers, themselves.

On behalf of those not satisfied with the free choices of their fellow citizens and who are willing to use political compulsion to get what they want, government has intruded into and violated the “sovereignty of the consumer” to peacefully, honestly, and voluntarily decide what he wants based on his values, beliefs and desires, and to make it profitable on the competitive market for others to provide him with what he wants out of the income he has peacefully, honestly and voluntarily earned in his own role as a producer.

But the other side of this coin is that there are “contrived scarcities” – a reduced availability – of the goods and services that those sovereign consumers would have been able to have if the greater taxes collected and spent by the government had not resulted in scarce resources and labor being drawn away from producing the goods and services those consumer/taxpayers would have spent their income on if it had not been reduced due to those higher taxes.

“Contrived Scarcities” from Import Tariffs and Price Subsidies

Such contrived scarcities take on various forms, as well, other than only the direct taxing away of people’s income. If the government imposes an import tariff or an import quota on foreign goods entering the domestic economy, the available supplies of those goods will be less; and the prices of these goods that consumers will now have to pay will be higher, as a result, than if free trade was practiced and consumers had had a wider free market choice of domestic and foreign suppliers.

Suppose that the government starts to guarantee dairy farmers minimum prices for their produce (as the U.S. government does under its farm price-support programs). With a higher guaranteed price than the market-established price, dairy farmers would find it profitable to expand their dairy cowherds; a “contrived plentitude.” But this requires more grazing land for the increased number of cows.

The expanded grazing land will have to come from somewhere. Suppose that this land comes out of wheat growing. The wheat crops will tend to decrease, an essential ingredient in bread baking will be reduced in quantity, and the supply of wheat bread available in groceries may be less, with a resulting higher price per loaf that consumers now must pay; a “contrived scarcity.”

Thus, government interventions such as these would abridge the market-based sovereignty of the consumers, bringing about too much of some goods being produced and too little of others being supplied.

Difficulty of Seeing Government’s Hand in Contrived Scarcities

But the perversity from these types of “contrived scarcity” policies is that consumers often find it difficult to know whether and to what extent the supplies available and the prices paid for goods are due to market-determined “natural scarcities” and how much is due to government manipulation of quantities produced and offered on the market.

In the case of the farm price-support programs, consumers in the market end up paying no less than the government guaranteed price for dairy products, for example, since dairy farmers have no incentive to offer it for a lower price on the market since they know that any unsold surpluses at the guaranteed price will be bought up by the government at taxpayers’ expense.

At the same time, the possible reduced wheat crops that negatively impact the supply of wheat bread and raise its price, for instance, is so many steps away from the immediate vision and understanding of the consumers of bread that it is nearly impossible for ordinary citizens to appreciate the links in the chains of government intervention that has made bread costlier and less available. Thus, the “free market” gets blamed for high or rising prices for various goods because of the apparent businessman’s “greedy profit motive” that makes him fail to produce more of what people want and desire.

Consumers seem to be unrestricted in their choices concerning how to spend whatever after-tax income may remain in their pockets; market interactions of supply and demand seem to determine the prices that those consumers pay; and, thus, the reason for any frustrating scarcities and expensiveness of desired goods gets placed at the doorstep of “selfish” acts of profit-motivated capitalists and businessmen, in general.

But behind the scenes the incentive, profitability and opportunity to produce goods guided by the actual demands of the consuming public have been thwarted by government taxing, pricing and regulatory policy manipulations bringing about contrived or artificial scarcities of some goods on the supply-side of the market or wasteful overproduction, or “contrived plentitudes,” of other goods not reflecting what those consumers would really want produced if the market was left free of the intervening and distorting hand of those in political power serving particular special interest groups.

Getting Government Out of the Market Can End Contrived Scarcities

While “natural scarcities” can only be reduced in the longer run through savings, investment, innovation and industry that increase the supply and improve the qualities of desired goods, in principle, “contrived scarcities” and artificial “plentitudes” can be corrected much sooner.

Or as Hutt expressed it, “Contrived scarcities, unlike natural scarcities, are not beyond the power of change by individuals and hence of a different degree of permanence: restrictions can be overcome . . . Contrived scarcities involve, then the frustration of consumers’ sovereignty; and what is usually meant when the removal of restrictions on competition is recommended is that such contrivances shall be eliminated.”

This is the current situation in the American labor market. The government’s income transfer programs such as unemployment insurance payments in general, and the “emergency” income supplements mentioned earlier, have all created a contrived scarcity that the media and others refer to as a “labor shortage.” Yes, labor in a variety of occupations and employments is in short supply, but there is nothing “natural” about it in the manner that Hutt explained a natural scarcity of limited means to serve consumer ends in a free market.

It is “contrived” shortage of labor due to the government’s manipulation of the trade-off and opportunities costs offered to segments of the labor force through the artificial income supports that have been made available. The other side of this coin is that there has been a government-created “unemployment plentitude;” that is, an amount and level of unemployment in various occupations and lines of work more than would “naturally” exist due to ordinary and ever-occurring dynamic changes in competitive supply and demand conditions.

A growing number of state governments have announced their decision to opt out of some of these federal “emergency” income transfer programs, meaning the financial benefit of being unemployed will decrease, and the income gains from accepting offered work in the marketplace will seem more attractive. There will remain in place enough government programs that will continue to “contrive” artificial labor scarcities and unnecessary unemployment, including minimum wage laws, small business regulations, occupational licensing restrictions, as well as others. But the type of contrived scarcities of labor created by these particular Covid-related transfers can all be gone practically overnight by simply ending them, and making market-based employment more attractive again, in comparison.

Educating Others on Natural versus Contrived Scarcities

Finally, in more general terms, one of the tasks of friends of competitive free markets is to explain to our fellow citizens that while a “natural scarcity” of useful means to achieve our various ends is inescapable in the reality of the human circumstance, there are some scarcities of resources and desired goods that are artificial, “contrived scarcities,” precisely due to government and its interventions in the market process.

Such contrived scarcities, in principle, could be gone tomorrow if the government’s economic policies fostering, creating and sustaining them were abolished and eliminated. The individual’s freedom of choice and action as both consumer and producer will have been more fully restored with a less intervening government.

Free men in free markets would then be at liberty to improve their conditions without the disrupting and distorting hand of political power and special interest politicking that invariably makes many things less available and more expensive than if competitive markets were unshackled from the government policies that only succeed in making us poorer and far less free than we need to be.

Dr. Richard M. Ebeling is the recently appointed BB&T Distinguished Professor of Ethics and Free Enterprise Leadership at The Citadel. He was formerly professor of Economics at Northwood University, president of The Foundation for Economic Education (2003–2008), was the Ludwig von Mises Professor of Economics at Hillsdale College (1988–2003) in Hillsdale, Michigan, and served as vice president of academic affairs for The Future of Freedom Foundation (1989–2003).

What is Antifa ?

Summary: No movement on the American Left except maybe Black Lives Matter has captured the attention of media and the general populace in recent months quite like Antifa. Antifa is a very loosely organized and decentralized radical left movement characterized by its aggressive and directly confrontational opposition to what it considers to be fascism, coupled with its embrace of radical left anarchist and/or communist ideologies. For those of us who rather like our traditions of capitalist liberal democracy with all its flaws, understanding Antifa is critical.

No movement on the American Left—save perhaps for Black Lives Matter—has captured the attention of media and the general populace in recent months quite like Antifa. But Antifa is poorly understood. What exactly is it? Where did it come from? What does it want? And who supports it?

These questions do not have simple and straightforward answers. This is further complicated by the large amount of misinformation floating around regarding Antifa and the extent of its activities. But that does not mean there are no answers at all. A number of authors have conducted in-depth research on Antifa in the past few years. Relying on their writings and combining them with other publicly available information, it becomes possible to provide a measure of clarity for those seeking to understand this highly opaque and amorphous movement.

What Is Antifa?

Antifa (a contraction of the term “anti-fascist”) is a very loosely organized and decentralized radical left movement characterized by its aggressive and directly confrontational opposition to what it considers to be fascism, coupled with its embrace of radical left anarchist and/or communist ideologies.

In his recent book Unmasked: Inside Antifa’s Radical Plan to Destroy Democracy, journalist Andy Ngo defines Antifa as “an ideology and movement of radical pan-leftist politics whose adherents are mainly militant anarchist communists or collectivist anarchists. . . . What unites this group of leftists is its opposition to so-called fascism, though importantly, what is defined as fascism is left wide open.” Historian Mark Bray gives a broadly similar definition of “anti-fascism” in Antifa: The Anti-Fascist Handbook. To him, it is “an illiberal politics of social revolutionism applied to fighting the Far Right, not only literal fascists.”

Contemporary American Antifa is probably best thought of as a movement or ideology, rather than an organization. This presents a descriptive and definitional problem right from the start because many may broadly identify with Antifa beliefs and practices without necessarily being affiliated with any actual Antifa group. Bray has opined, “The radical left is much bigger than antifa—much, much bigger.” Who then qualifies as being part of Antifa? It is impossible to put a precise number on Antifa membership, and describing any putative far-left protester or rioter as “Antifa” would broaden that term beyond a point where it would have any useful meaning.

There are Antifa organizations, however, and they represent the most logical place to focus any inquiry. Such groups often explicitly self-identify as Antifa, but observers have also described them as such, noting obvious defining characteristics. Antifa groups typically operate locally. For example, Rose City Antifa—the oldest and arguably most prominent extant Antifa group in the United States—is active in Portland, Oregon, while Atlanta Antifascists operates in that metropolitan area. As far as anyone knows, these groups are not organized hierarchically, and there is no individual “leader” of Antifa.

Although essentially autonomous, some Antifa groups have a degree of affiliation that goes beyond simply a shared ideology. According to writer Mark Hemingway, “the closest thing to an antifa organization” is the Torch Network. It claims 10 member chapters on its website, including some of the more nationally well-known Antifa groups. Although Torch Network members “work together to confront fascism and oppression,” there is not much in the way of oversight or control. Indeed, chapters “may call themselves whatever they want, and can organize the best way they see fit.” The extent of collaboration between Torch Network members has been described by one member chapter as “occasionally exchang[ing] information and advice.”

Antifa exists primarily to oppose “fascism.” Rose City Antifa breaks down its activities into three broad categories: direct action, education, and solidarity. Direct action, no doubt, garners it the most notoriety. Andy Ngo writes, “‘Direct action’ is a dog whistle for protest activity that includes violence,” though Rose City Antifa euphemistically describes it as work that “prevents fascist organizing, and when that is not possible, provides consequences to fascist organizers.” Ngo himself was physically attacked in 2019 during a Portland protest and has sued Rose City Antifa for their alleged role in that attack.

That said, most of Antifa’s activities are not physically violent. Bray writes, “In truth, violence represents a small though vital sliver of anti-fascist activity.” Antifa is heavily engaged in doxxing: publicly exposing the private information of those whom they oppose, with the goal of shaming them or otherwise bringing about negative consequences. This involves substantial time spent on research—one Rose City Antifa member estimated it at “about a hundred hours per week.”

Antifa is also quick to align itself with, and provide support to, other groups that share its objective of “a classless society, free from all forms of oppression.” This is the “solidarity” prong from Rose City Antifa’s three-part breakdown. Antifa is often closely associated with the Black Lives Matter movement, but the true relationship between the two is considerably murkier.

Similarly to “Antifa,” the term “Black Lives Matter” can refer to anything from an individual’s personal beliefs to a broader movement rooted in those beliefs to any number of distinct organizations that operate within that movement. Unlike Antifa, within Black Lives Matter can be found political ideologies that range from essentially the mainstream liberal left all the way to the deeply radical far-left. Antifa, by contrast, is a radical far-left movement by definition. Also unlike Antifa, many of those who associate themselves with Black Lives Matter do so with peaceful and reformative (as opposed to revolutionary) intent.

Therefore, it’s probably best to conceptualize Black Lives Matter as referring to a spectrum, with only the more radical portion of that spectrum overlapping with Antifa. Precious few Americans who placed a Black Lives Matter sign in their front yard in 2020 would have done the same thing with an Antifa sign. And many Black Lives Matter-connected leaders have condemned Antifa and its associated violence. The president of the Portland NAACP called that city’s riots a “white spectacle” and asked what “antifa and other leftist agitators [are] achieving for the cause of black equality?” Numerous others have expressed concern that militant leftist violence in the name of Black Lives Matter significantly undermines the movement.

In the places and among the people where Antifa and Black Lives Matter do overlap, however, they can be more or less indistinguishable. Antifa-associated individuals and groups frequently use the phrase “Black Lives Matter” in protests and in other contexts. The Movement for Black Lives—one of the primary national Black Lives Matter organizations—espouses anti-capitalist and anti-institutional principles that aren’t terribly far removed from what one might find expressed by an Antifa group.

Andy Ngo argues in Unmasked that at least in Portland and Seattle, Antifa and Black Lives Matter “are one and the same, with the same people showing up to each other’s events.” This appears to be corroborated by the statements of a pseudonymous Rose City Antifa member, who admitted in the New Yorker that, while the group has no role in organizing Black Lives Matter protests, “we are fully supportive, and many of us attend as individuals.”

This brings up the topic of Antifa demographics. Although there is no official census, a few generalizations can be pointed out. Antifa is usually described as being predominately white—one exasperated Black Lives Matter protester reportedly characterized Portland’s militant antifacist culture as “violent and white.” Mark Hemingway noted the same ethnic preponderance, and arrest records and other public information indicate that many Antifa “are itinerant or marginally employed.” Andy Ngo’s research led him to a similar conclusion: Those arrested at leftist riots “are disproportionately individuals dealing with housing insecurity, financial instability, and mental health issues.”

You CAN Control Your Own Emotions

How many times have we heard the expression that somebody “takes things personally”? Is it always a mistake to feel that way?

It can be a basic error to assume that everything is always about you, when in fact it’s not. From your own point-of-view, your life is, and should be, your central concern, but the same is also true for others.  So when you interpret something someone else does (or doesn’t do) as an attack on you, chances are pretty good that you’re mistaken. The FEELING that another has you in mind when they do something you dislike has to be based on evidence, and often that evidence isn’t there.

It’s liberating and psychologically healthy to remember that what others think of you really isn’t your problem. You have no control over what others think. So why clutter your mind with stuff you cannot change?  Just worry about your reputation with yourself, rather than your reputation with others. If you respect yourself, then the right people will come to you. That’s the basic fact that chronically insecure people fail to see.

It all boils down to interpretation. Using our moment-to-moment perceptions as input, our emotions make quick, lightning-like interpretations for us. There’s nothing inherently wrong with that, but the down side is when you fail to stand back to examine some of those interpretations. Some might be correct – but many can be wrong. You might call it fact-checking. Though rampant dishonesty in government and media has given that term a cynical veneer, it’s actually the most effective technique for weighing our feelings against the cold facts of reality. We would all do well to make honest fact-checking a part of our daily lives to check and balance against random, often inaccurate feelings. In fact, we’re MORE vulnerable to anti-factual people in the media and elsewhere if we’re NOT in the habit of fact checking ourselves and our immediate feelings.

When tempted to automatically believe another person or to take something personally, ask yourself, “What’s the factual evidence that he or she had me in mind when he or she did – or failed to do – such-and-such? Based on the known facts, what other explanations are available?” Really think about it, and be honest. Try to see from the other person’s point-of-view what might have lead them to act a certain way, even in a way you didn’t like. Ask yourself if you’ve ever done the same thing. If so, did you intend to harm others, or was there some other motivation?

At first glance, it might seem cumbersome to do this. But if you strive to make it a habit, this sort of moment-to-moment fact-checking is absolutely necessary to make sure you’re not letting your emotions run away with you and lead you to assume things are personal when they’re probably not.

When people tell me, “I don’t want to fact-check and/or keep a journal because it’s too time consuming,” it’s like telling your dentist, “I don’t want to brush and floss because it’s just too time consuming.” Seriously? Maintenance and examination of your emotions is just as important for your sanity as the maintenance and examination of your teeth is for your health.

Of course, none of this means you’re still not going to be annoyed, disappointed or even angry if someone does — or fails to do — something that hurts you or that you disagree with. In those cases, it’s time for a discussion with yourself: “What am I legitimately entitled to, and what am I not entitled to?” And remember that even when someone is negligent or disappointing in some way, it doesn’t automatically follow that it’s an attack on you. Whenever someone else does something questionable or wrong, it’s almost always because of their own issues and problems, not yours. You don’t have to tolerate it, but you do have the freedom to choose how to respond to it. Life is too short to simply hand over your mental health and serenity to what some other person might think or do.

Michael J. Hurd, Daily Dose of Reason

What Difference does Proving a Stolen Election Make ? All the Difference in the World

Remember that famous Hillary Clinton line about Benghazi? She asked, “What difference does it make?” She meant it’s over; it’s old news; why rehash it now? Nothing will change. Of course, that was convenient for Clinton and former President Barack Obama. They lied, and heroes died at Benghazi. The last thing Clinton or Obama wanted was an investigation.

Democrats are saying the same thing now about the 2020 election. They say: “What difference does it make? Donald Trump lost. It’s over. The election is certified. Joe Biden is the president. Nothing will change. You’re all wasting your time.” Again, that’s pretty convenient.

We are a nation of laws. That’s what made America the greatest nation in world history. Without laws, investigations, arrests and convictions, we might as well be Haiti, or Cuba, or Venezuela, or Zimbabwe, or Mexico or any other lawless socialist hellhole around the world. Where people live in misery and malaise, with no rights, while the government, despots and ruthless criminals do whatever they want to the people.

We are America. We can’t let that happen. We must investigate and pursue justice, no matter where it leads.

Forensic audits will uncover the truth. And the truth will set us free. The truth will prove — even to Democrats and dummies (I know, I repeat myself) — that we were right. Trump was cheated. The election was rigged and stolen. Trump is the real president. Biden is not the rightful president of the United States.

You can feel it. The tide has turned. We are so close to proving Arizona and Georgia were stolen. Some legislators from other states want to plan forensic audits. Soon all the dominoes will fall.

Proving the election was stolen will make all the difference in the world. Of course, Democrats and the fake news media frauds know that. That’s precisely what they’re so afraid of. They’re scared to death the truth is about to come out.

And yes, they’re scared to death because they don’t know where this will lead; they don’t know what the citizens will do once they realize the election was rigged and stolen.

Democrats will say it’s too late. They will argue: “Nothing can be done. Stolen election or not, Biden is president, end of story. Tough luck.” I’m not an elections lawyer or a constitutional scholar. I’ll leave the question of whether Trump can be reinstated as president up to legal experts.

But I know this: Bad things will happen to the Democrats if it’s proven they stole the election. All hell will break loose. Democrats are in a world of trouble, and they know it.

On the minor scale, here’s some of the things I could imagine happening next:

Once we can prove the election was stolen, Democrats are finished. This is like when a famous business mogul and philanthropist is found to be a criminal who stole everyone’s money. Ask Bernie Madoff. Everyone hates you for the rest of all time. You can never walk out of your home again. You can’t show your face in public. People scream “shame” at you wherever you go. Your legacy is destroyed forever.

Lawsuits will fly. Legal fees will cripple the Biden administration and the Democratic Party. Donations will dry up.

Biden will be the lame duck of all lame ducks. He will never pass another piece of legislation. He won’t be able to leave the White House. He might as well be a convicted criminal. The White House will be his prison cell.

Republicans will win a landslide in 2022. The GOP will control both houses of Congress. Even voters who don’t like Trump will feel guilty that his presidency was stolen. Trump will be a lock to win back the presidency in 2024.

That’s all separate from massive protests, million-man-marches on Washington, unrest, civil disobedience and the prospect of 74 million Trump voters withholding taxes to bring the Biden government to its knees and force Biden’s resignation.

And then there are the criminal charges. Thousands of Democrats were involved, in multiple states, in the greatest theft in America’s history. I call this treason. That’s life in prison, or worse. This won’t end well for Democrats.

So, now you know why they’re panicking. Wouldn’t you?

So, yes, proving the election was stolen is the whole ball of wax. It’s the whole kitchen sink. It changes both the history and the future of America.

God bless the forensic audits. And God help the Democrats when the American people see proof the election was stolen.

Wayne Allyn Root

They Don’t Hate Gold Because It’s Gold. They Hate It Because It’s Not Government Money.

Men have chosen the precious metals gold and silver for the money service on account of their mineralogical, physical, and chemical features. The use of money in a market economy is a praxeologically necessary fact. That gold—and not something else—is used as money is merely a historical fact and as such cannot be conceived by catallactics. In monetary history too, as in all other branches of history, one must resort to historical understanding. If one takes pleasure in calling the gold standard a “barbarous relic,”one cannot object to the application of the same term to every historically determined institution. Then the fact that the British speak English — and not Danish, German, or French — is a barbarous relic too, and every Briton who opposes the substitution of Esperanto for English is no less dogmatic and orthodox than those who do not wax rapturous about the plans for a managed currency.

The demonetization of silver and the establishment of gold monometallism was the outcome of deliberate government interference with monetary matters. It is pointless to raise the question concerning what would have happened in the absence of these policies. But it must not be forgotten that it was not the intention of the governments to establish the gold standard. What the governments aimed at was the double standard. They wanted to substitute a rigid, government-decreed exchange ratio between gold and silver for the fluctuating market ratios between the independently coexistent gold and silver coins. The monetary doctrines underlying these endeavors misconstrued the market phenomena in that complete way in which only bureaucrats can misconstrue them. The attempts to create a double standard of both metals, gold and silver, failed lamentably. It was this failure that generated the gold standard. The emergence of the gold standard was the manifestation of a crushing defeat of the governments and their cherished doctrines.

In the 17th century, the rates at which the English government tariffed the coins overvalued the guinea with regard to silver and thus made the silver coins disappear. Only those silver coins that were much worn by usage or in any other way defaced or reduced in weight remained in current use; it did not pay to export and to sell them on the bullion market. Thus England got the gold standard against the intention of its government. Only much later the laws made the de facto gold standard a de jure standard. The government abandoned further fruitless attempts to pump silver standard coins into the market and minted silver only as subsidiary coins with a limited legal tender power. These subsidiary coins were not money, but money-substitutes. Their exchange value depended not on their silver content, but on the fact that they could be exchanged at every instant, without delay and without cost, at their full face value against gold. They were de facto silver printed notes, claims against a definite amount of gold.

Later in the course of the 19th century, the double standard resulted in a similar way in France and in the other countries of the Latin Monetary Union in the emergence of de facto gold monometallism. When the drop in the price of silver in the later 1870s would automatically have effected the replacement of the de facto gold standard by the de facto silver standard, these governments suspended the coinage of silver in order to preserve the gold standard. In the United States, the price structure on the bullion market had already, before the outbreak of the Civil War, transformed the legal bimetallism into de facto gold monometallism.

After the greenback period, there ensued a struggle between the friends of the gold standard on the one hand and those of silver on the other hand. The result was a victory for the gold standard. Once the economically most advanced nations had adopted the gold standard, all other nations followed suit. After the great inflationary adventures of the First World War, most countries hastened to return to the gold standard or the gold-exchange standard.

The gold standard was the world standard of the age of capitalism, increasing welfare, liberty, and democracy, both political and economic. In the eyes of the free traders its main eminence was precisely the fact that it was an international standard as required by international trade and the transactions of the international money and capital market.2 It was the medium of exchange by means of which Western industrialism and Western capital had borne Western civilization into the remotest parts of the earth’s surface, everywhere destroying the fetters of age-old prejudices and superstitions, sowing the seeds of new life and new well-being, freeing minds and souls, and creating riches unheard of before. It accompanied the triumphal unprecedented progress of Western liberalism ready to unite all nations into a community of free nations peacefully cooperating with one another.

It is easy to understand why people viewed the gold standard as the symbol of this greatest and most beneficial of all historical changes. All those intent upon sabotaging the evolution toward welfare, peace, freedom, and democracy loathed the gold standard, and not only on account of its economic significance. In their eyes the gold standard was the labarum, the symbol, of all those doctrines and policies they wanted to destroy. In the struggle against the gold standard, much more was at stake than commodity prices and foreign-exchange rates.

The nationalists are fighting the gold standard because they want to sever their countries from the world market and to establish national autarky as far as possible. Interventionist governments and pressure groups are fighting the gold standard because they consider it the most serious obstacle to their endeavors to manipulate prices and wage rates. But the most fanatical attacks against gold are made by those intent upon credit expansion. With them, credit expansion is the panacea for all economic ills. It could lower or even entirely abolish interest rates, raise wages and prices for the benefit of all except the parasitic capitalists and the exploiting employers, free the state from the necessity of balancing its budget — in short, make all decent people prosperous and happy. Only the gold standard, that devilish contrivance of the wicked and stupid “orthodox” economists, prevents mankind from attaining everlasting prosperity.

The gold standard is certainly not a perfect or ideal standard. There is no such thing as perfection in human things. But nobody is in a position to tell us how something more satisfactory could be put in place of the gold standard. The purchasing power of gold is not stable. But the very notions of stability and unchangeability of purchasing power are absurd. In a living and changing world there cannot be any such thing as stability of purchasing power. In the imaginary construction of an evenly rotating economy there is no room left for a medium of exchange. It is an essential feature of money that its purchasing power is changing. In fact, the adversaries of the gold standard do not want to make money’s purchasing power stable. They want rather to give to the governments the power to manipulate purchasing power without being hindered by an “external” factor, namely, the money relation of the gold standard.

The main objection raised against the gold standard is that it makes operative in the determination of prices a factor that no government can control — the vicissitudes of gold production. Thus an “external” or “automatic” force restrains a national government’s power to make its subjects as prosperous as it would like to make them. The international capitalists dictate and the nation’s sovereignty becomes a sham.

However, the futility of interventionist policies has nothing at all to do with monetary matters. It will be shown later why all isolated measures of government interference with market phenomena must fail to attain the ends sought. If the interventionist government wants to remedy the shortcomings of its first interferences by going further and further, it finally converts its country’s economic system into socialism of the German pattern. Then it abolishes the domestic market altogether, and with it money and all monetary problems, even though it may retain some of the terms and labels of the market economy.3 In both cases it is not the gold standard that frustrates the good intentions of the benevolent authority.

The significance of the fact that the gold standard makes the increase in the supply of gold depend upon the profitability of producing gold is, of course, that it limits the government’s power to resort to inflation. The gold standard makes the determination of money’s purchasing power independent of the changing ambitions and doctrines of political parties and pressure groups. This is not a defect of the gold standard; it is its main excellence. Every method of manipulating purchasing power is by necessity arbitrary. All methods recommended for the discovery of an allegedly objective and “scientific” yardstick for monetary manipulation are based on the illusion that changes in purchasing power can be “measured.” The gold standard removes the determination of cash-induced changes in purchasing power from the political arena. Its general acceptance requires the acknowledgment of the truth that one cannot make all people richer by printing money. The abhorrence of the gold standard is inspired by the superstition that omnipotent governments can create wealth out of little scraps of paper.

It has been asserted that the gold standard too is a manipulated standard. The governments may influence the height of gold’s purchasing power either by credit expansion — even if it is kept within the limits drawn by considerations of preserving the redeemability of the money-substitutes — or indirectly by furthering measures that induce people to restrict the size of their cash holdings. This is true. It cannot be denied that the rise in commodity prices that occurred between 1896 and 1914 was to a great extent provoked by such government policies. But the main thing is that the gold standard keeps all such endeavors toward lowering money’s purchasing power within narrow limits. The inflationists are fighting the gold standard precisely because they consider these limits a serious obstacle to the realization of their plans.

What the expansionists call the defects of the gold standard are indeed its very eminence and usefulness. It checks large-scale inflationary ventures on the part of governments. The gold standard did not fail. The governments were eager to destroy it, because they were committed to the fallacies that credit expansion is an appropriate means of lowering the rate of interest and of “improving” the balance of trade.

No government is, however, powerful enough to abolish the gold standard. Gold is the money of international trade and of the supernational economic community of mankind. It cannot be affected by measures of governments whose sovereignty is limited to definite countries. As long as a country is not economically self-sufficient in the strict sense of the term, as long as there are still some loopholes left in the walls by which nationalistic governments try to isolate their countries from the rest of the world, gold is still used as money. It does not matter that governments confiscate the gold coins and bullion they can seize and punish those holding gold as felons. The language of bilateral clearing agreements by means of which governments are intent upon eliminating gold from international trade, avoids any reference to gold. But the turnovers performed on the ground of those agreements are calculated on gold prices. He who buys or sells on a foreign market calculates the advantages and disadvantages of such transactions in gold. In spite of the fact that a country has severed its local currency from any link with gold, its domestic structure of prices remains closely connected with gold and the gold prices of the world market. If a government wants to sever its domestic price structure from that of the world market, it must resort to other measures, such as prohibitive import and export duties and embargoes. Nationalization of foreign trade, whether effected openly or directly by foreign exchange control, does not eliminate gold. The governments qua traders are trading by the use of gold as a medium of exchange.

The struggle against gold, which is one of the main concerns of all contemporary governments, must not be looked upon as an isolated phenomenon. It is but one item in the gigantic process of destruction that is the mark of our time. People fight the gold standard because they want to substitute national autarky for free trade, war for peace, totalitarian government omnipotence for liberty.

It may happen one day that technology will discover a method of enlarging the supply of gold at such a low cost that gold will become useless for the monetary service. Then people will have to replace the gold standard by another standard. It is futile to bother today about the way in which this problem will be solved. We do not know anything about the conditions under which the decision will have to be made.

Ludwig von Mises was the acknowledged leader of the Austrian school of economic thought, a prodigious originator in economic theory, and a prolific author. Mises’s writings and lectures encompassed economic theory, history, epistemology, government, and political philosophy. His contributions to economic theory include important clarifications on the quantity theory of money, the theory of the trade cycle, the integration of monetary theory with economic theory in general, and a demonstration that socialism must fail because it cannot solve the problem of economic calculation. Mises was the first scholar to recognize that economics is part of a larger science in human action, a science that he called praxeology.